• FUVAPY leader Ewa Ploch congratulates AYIC new leader Robert Kaplan and proposes a visit to Kalistan to strengthen ties between both Yeudi communities
  

• The Southern capital and main city, Hel: If you have come here expecting a vibrant, always active city, you might be dissappointed. Being Chynberg's main capital city, it is home to over 4.6 million citizens – almost a third of the Voivodeship's total population –, and the city suffers a problem of youth-leak. Despite having the biggest university in the Voivodeship, many young Chynbergians choose to study in Ruzia or Valusia, and as such, the city is not known for college-parties or youth attractiveness. But despite this, the city is stunningly beautiful and, precisely because of the absence of so many "young revellers", many middle-aged couples and families choose it as their main destination for spending a few days or weeks in the region. Among the city's various museums, the Chynberg Archaeological Museum and the Pryetz Regional Art Gallery stand out, as well as the numerous parks and botanical gardens that dot the city everywhere. 
  
  But the city is also known for something else: it hosts the largest percentage of Yeudi population in the whole country – the same applies to Chynberg as a whole, whose percentage of Yeudi population doubles the next Voivodeship, Ruzia. As such, the city also features the Museum of Valruzian Yeudi History, and is a common place for Yeudis all around Terra to spend some weeks or days, as many of them also have relatives here. During its holy days and festivities, the Yeudi neighborhood completely transforms itself, and is not uncommon to see the Mayor of the city taking part in the celebrations. You can join, too! Valruzian Yeudis are much more open in terms of their religion than in other places in Terra, and that is clearly noticeable when one talks with them for some brief minutes.
  

• The Northern capital, Jeziorne Sady: Much smaller in size – 1.3 million citizens –, Jeziorne Sady has survived the passage of time pretty decently. It is here where the annual celebrations of the dual-capitality, when Jeziorne Sady was selected to act as a second centre of power for the Chynbergian lords to manage the Voivodeships, are hosted during the month of October. For such an special occasion, representatives from the 16 Chynbergian counties and the 3 cities meet there to solemnly read the decree of proclamation, giving way to the official start of the local festivities, which are also used as the Chynbergian regional festivity.
  

• The Third Wheel, Bewierzów: Despite being bigger and more populated than Jeziorne Sady, Bewierzów lacks the status of capital city since the dual-capitality was established many centuries ago. Perhaps for this reason, the city has tried by all means to make a name for itself, and although the political right is often the most voted force, it is the left that usually wins the majority of votes here. It is also well known in the region and in Valruzia as a whole as the regional capital of partying and music, with numerous festivals and events throughout the year. Its best-known festival, DECOFest, held at the end of August, brings together thousands of young people – and not so young people – on the outskirts of the city for a whole week of techno, house, reggae, pop and rock music that delights all music fans, and which is regularly attended by international artists, especially from countries as diverse as Kalistan, Egelion, Baltusia and Istalia.
  

• Touring Valruzia: Your local guide through Gryfit for outsiders
  
• Touring Valruzia: Your local guide through Kampania for outsiders
  
• Touring Valruzia: Your local guide through Ruzia for outsiders
  
• Touring Valruzia: Your local guide through Valusia for outsiders
  

Quote:"Honorable Marshall of the Sejm, esteemed deputies and citizens of Valruzia alike,

Today we live in an era in which the tools we create, the algorithms we design and the systems we delegate decisions to will shape our lives as surely as any law passed in this chamber. Technology is no longer a distant horizon, it is the space in which we work, learn, love, trade, argue and dream. It is our present, and therefore, it must also be bound by our values.

For a long time, perhaps too long, Valruzia has depended on foreign technologies whose inner workings we could not inspect and whose decisions we could not fully understand or control. This dependency has placed our economy, our data and ultimately our democracy at risk. Today, I propose we choose another path, a path built under our concepts of sovereignty, responsibility, transparency and accountability. 

The legislation I present to you seeks to ensure that the most impactful AI systems used in our country are developed here, under our supervision, following our laws and serving our people, rather than the interests of distant corporations or foreign states. I believe it is the right of a free nation to define the digital foundations on which its future will rest.

But technology must also respect human dignity, and every citizen has the right to understand how and why an automated system reaches a conclusion that could affect their job, their home or the services they receive. No algorithm has the right to discriminate against a Valruzian, regardless of who they are or where they come from. In a democracy and in the current modern world, decisions may be automated, but accountability is still a pillar of our democracy.

This is why our proposal includes clear guarantees: the right to explanation, the right to challenge, the right to human oversight. And it is why we establish an independent authority empowered to ensure that these rights are not merely written into law but lived in practice.

To those who fear that regulation will topple innovation in our country, let me say this to you: there is no lasting innovation without trust. There is no progress when people feel powerless before systems they cannot question. A strong, sovereign and transparent AI framework will not slow our technological development. I'm pretty confident that it will rather anchor it.

Deputies, the choice before us is simple. We can allow others to define the digital conditions of our new century that it's about to start, or we can assert our responsibility to shape them ourselves. I believe Valruzia has the talent, the courage and the vision to lead. And with this legislation, we place the first stone.

Thank you."

Quote:Interviewer: Thank you very much for agreeing to this interview, Madam President. It has now been eight years since you were elected president of this country, and you have seven more years ahead of you. How would you assess your presidency so far?

Urszula Pawlik: Answer that question for me [laughter]. Honestly, perhaps people expect too much from a position that is often symbolic, a symbol of the unity of our country, but with limited powers. Let me detail my powers, according to our constitution: my functions are to sanction and promulgate laws passed by the Sejm, to represent Valruzia internationally and sign treaties after parliamentary ratification, to propose a candidate for Chancellor after general elections, to appoint government ministers and ambassadors on the proposal of the Chancellor, to confer state honours and military ranks, to act as Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces in a ceremonial capacity and to call, if I deem it appropiate, for the so-called Presidential Referendums.

But the President holds no autonomous executive authority, and all acts — except internal appointments and the calling of referendums — require countersigning by the Chancellor or relevant ministers. So it is also my duty to tell people when they have "too high expectations" about what a President can and cannot do. But for the extent of my powers, I honestly can say I'm pretty proud of what I've done so far. I've been working hard every day to strengthen the position of Valruzia in the international sphere, travelling abroad many times to meet foreign leaders and secure deals beneficial for our nation and our citizens. And I will continue doing so for the time I have left in this position.

Quote:I: Under your presidency, relations with Kalistan, which were already good – although somewhat deteriorated under successive KPW governments – have benefited enormously, to the point that you have been granted the honor of entering the Order of the Grey Smoke, a distinction reserved for a few people, the vast majority of whom are citizens of Kalistan. Some would even say that you feel closer to them than to the people of Valruzia, as might be evidenced by your unilateral decision to grant the future sovereign of Kalistan a palace in Gryfit. What is your response?

U.P: Perhaps people are not accustomed to high-level politics? [sarcastic tone and shrugging shoulders]. On a more serious note, it is laughable that people could think that about someone like me, when I have worked for and on behalf of the people of Valruzia, and I always say that my only interest is the people of Valruzia. If anything, all these actions show that high-level diplomacy works and should be the example to follow in all international relations. It is an honor for me to be part of the Order of Grey Smoke, I am not ashamed to say so, and it is obvious that the gift to the future Empress of Kalistan is a symbolic gesture. In Valruzia, we have a rich history and castles and palaces that are the envy of half the planet, and it is our duty and honour to share them with the world. Furthermore, we have made it clear that the palace remains part of Valruzia, ceded for a specific period of time and subject to Valruzia law.

Quote:I: Some people, especially from the left, have accused you of being "the Forward Valruzia candidate" throughout many of your presidential years. What do you say about that?

U.P: As a human being, it is clear that I have my own ideology, which may be closer to one party or another. But that does not pigeonhole us into a framework. As parties representing the public, I think it is obvious that they will always coincide to a greater or lesser extent with the thinking of many citizens in our country, and that does not mean that we support or should support a single party, just as casting a vote once every five years does not definitively bind us to the decisions made by those parties throughout the legislative term, and allows us to criticise them freely because that is how democracy works. In fact, let me tell you something: since I was elected president in 5687, I have not exercised my right to vote in any of the three legislative elections that have taken place. Perhaps most citizens are unaware of this, but presidents are allowed to exercise their right to vote. However, I believe that in my role as the highest representative of all the citizens of Valruzia, it would be hypocritical of me to give my vote to one party or another, not because I do not know which party or parties are closest to my ideology, but because if I were not president and I saw the head of state of my country going to the polls, when we are elected as independent candidates, it would seem to me to be a way of taking a very clear position on one side or the other, and that could cause great damage to our democracy.

Quote:I: But you did serve in the government of Chynberg as development minister, right?

U.P: Yes, as an independent. They asked me to serve, to bring my knowledge to the table to help my home region, and of course I accepted. My whole life has been dedicated to improve the conditions of my fellow countrypeople, and so I had no doubts to do so. It doesn't matter who asked me, it just happened that Forward Valruzia was in power. Would I have done the same if the Marshall belonged to the KPW, to Sovereign Valruzia, or to Valruzian Alliance? Probably so, as long as I was able to bring my vision to reality.

Quote:I: You also served as rector of the University of Brzawa and were a public administrator. You first rose to prominence after leading a series of civic forums on constitutional law and the limits of executive power. How does somebody like you decides to take on the challenge of running for President?

U.P: I never imagined myself as a politician in the traditional sense, and even today I do not really see myself as one. My professional life has always revolved around institutional power rather than pure political power: universities, public administration, civic spaces where ideas are discussed calmly and with respect. When I led those civic forums on constitutional law, my intention was not to prepare a political career, but to contribute to a broader public understanding of how our state works and, more importantly, how it should limit itself in order to protect citizens' freedoms.

At a certain point, however, I realised that many people were projecting something onto me that I had not consciously sought: trust. They saw in me someone who understood institutions, who respected their limits, and who did not aspire to govern over others, but to serve within a framework. Several civic groups, academics, and even people from very different ideological backgrounds encouraged me to consider running, precisely because I did not belong to a party structure and because my entire discourse had been about restraint, balance and institutional dignity.

Accepting that challenge was "not an act of ambition, but of responsibility" I told myself. I believed – and to be honest, I still believe – that the presidency should be occupied by someone who is comfortable with saying "this is not my role" as much as with fulfilling ceremonial and representative duties. I ran because I felt that my background, my respect and understanding of our Constitution, and my distance from partisan struggle could be useful to Valruzia at a time when institutions needed to be reaffirmed and not personalized. I think our politics suffer from too much "personification". And once the citizens entrusted me with this office, my task became very clear: to honour that trust every single day.

Quote:I: One of the presidential duties is to "sanction and promulgate laws passed by the Sejm". Have you ever considered not signing or vetoing a legislative initiative approved by parliament?

U.P: Perhaps for someone else in the position, it would be a possibility. For me, it is not. And I understand that there are citizens who consider this a weakness, or who believe in the argument that ‘what good is a Head of State if they cannot exercise certain powers?’ And I understand that. But the fact is that our Constitution is clear: Parliament is the highest representative of the popular will of the citizens of our country. In my role as Head of State, I am the representative of the nation, which means that, in a way, I am the representative of the will of Parliament. Parliament is not the highest representative of my will, because then we would not be a republic, we would be something else. When parliament serves the will of its Head of State, it has another name. And that is what would happen if I decided not to exercise my role as an independent and neutral representative. Once again, if I took a stand on certain issues, such as those with which I disagree, I would be taking sides, and that could be exploited by different actors to destabilise our nation. And that is something I will never allow.

Quote:I: What would be your answer then to the question, "What is the purpose of having a Head of State?"

U.P: Well, I think it's obvious, and I've already explained it: to represent the will of the nation, to be its ‘reincarnation’. It is precisely in my institutional neutrality that my virtue lies. No one can accuse me of leaning to one side or the other, and precisely because of this, I am allowed to represent Valruzia in different nations, in different countries, with very different political systems or ideologies, because they know that I will not take sides or speak publicly about the internal affairs of my nation, because my only interest is the supreme good for all the citizens of my country.

Quote:I: You still have seven years left in office. When your mandate eventually comes to an end, how would you like to be remembered as President of Valruzia?

U.P: I would like to be remembered as someone who did not seek to center the presidency around herself, but to protect and elevate it. If, when my mandate ends, the institutions of Valruzia are trusted, respected, and stable – regardless of who governs or which party holds power – then I will consider my work successful. I do not aspire to leave behind grand personal achievements or to be associated with a specific political moment. The best legacy a Head of State can leave is continuity, calm, and the certainty that the rules apply equally to everyone.

If future presidents can exercise their role without pressure to overstep their powers, and if citizens understand better what the presidency is and is not, then I will feel that my years in office have served a purpose.

Quote:I: One last question: the presidency is often described as a lonely office. Has that been your experience?

U.P: To some extent, yes. The loneliness does not come from the lack of people around you – on the contrary, you are constantly surrounded by advisors, officials, and delegations. It comes from the awareness that, in the end, your role requires distance. You cannot form political alliances, you cannot publicly express preferences, and you must be careful not to allow personal feelings to influence institutional behaviour.

That said, I do not experience this loneliness as something negative. It is part of the responsibility. I have my private life, my family, my beloved husband – who comes with me to many of my visits abroad –, my books and my academic interests, which help me remain grounded. And above all, I find reassurance in knowing that my restraint is precisely what allows others – governments, parliaments, citizens – to act freely within our democratic framework.

Quote:I: Thank you very much for this interview, Madam President. I'm sure our readers will love it.

U.P: No, thank you for this opportunity. It was truly a pleasure to open up in this way. I really enjoyed it.

Logo of the People's Front of Kampania as unveiled during the conference, featuring the Kampanian flag's traditional colors

Quote:Interviewer: Mr Kozak, many people in Valruzia – and beyond our nation – know you well as a star wrestler, not as a politician. When did you first seriously consider entering politics?

Szczepan Kozak: I'd say politics entered me before I entered politics. When you travel, compete internationally, meet workers, athletes, fans, you start seeing patterns. For years I was invited to factories, schools, trade union events, sporting events, motivational speeches, etc, in Valruzia and beyond. People liked talking to me, and I've always felt like they saw me not as a world champion, but as one of them. And I loved that. Since I was young, I have also been closely following politics, and despite what many people think – that we athletes are "dumb" or that we have no interest nor knowledge about politics – I can say for certain that this is far from true. From my own experience, I have had long and fruitful political talks with many athletes along the way.

Quote:I: You were a declared supporter and affiliate of the Communist Party of Valruzia. What changed?

S.K: My values haven't changed that much. I still believe in workers' rights, public services, dignity of labour... I'd say that what changed was the political framework. This awful electoral reform erased the territorial voice of regions like Kampania. I know the KPW opposed this change, but instead it went ahead, and the regional branch of the KPW here in my region didn't say a thing. I don’t blame the party base, but I believe we have let go of our voice far too easily. Now, our voices are diluted in general lists of politicians rather than true representatives of our land, despite this so-called "Parliament of the Regions".

Quote:I: Critics say your new party directly threatens the KPW's dominance in Kampania. Are you trying to replace them?

S.K: [Laughs] No. I'm trying to wake them up. If that means competition, so be it. Voters and citizens don't belong to any party by default, and they owe nothing to any particular party. It is our mission to earn their vote and support. If the KPW listens again to Kampania, and that means we get no support nor representation, then it's all good – we all win. If not, then people deserve another option that still speaks their language.

Quote:I: Since the launch of this new party, you've been labelled everything, from "regionalist populist" to "woke nationalist". Does that bother you?

S.K: [Smiles politely before taking its taking to take a sip of the coffee in front of him] You see, I've been called worse on the wrestling mat. Way worse. Let me tell you, I have never refused a good fight, and I don't mind being called woke if that means I care about injustice. Kampanian workers pay more, produce more, and decide less. If pointing that out is populism, then the word has lost all meaning. Far to often nowadays, caring for respect for every single citizen in our nation is labelled as "woke". Well, let me tell you something that might burn some: if elected to office, my party will try to pass legislation long due, which is protecting the rights of everyone within our Voivodeship. The KPW has a long history of ruling this region and even the nation but still, transgender people are banned from sports and our certificates only recognize two genders. If I am elected, I will make sure to amend this, at least within my powers. There is also much left to do in workers' rights, work-family balance, young benefits...

Quote:I: You have touched a risky subject, which is transgender people in sports. What's your opinion?

S.K: Well you know, many people say "that's an unfair advantage!" but isn't it what makes some better than others? Isn't our very own advantages what makes us stand over others? I do agree that transgender people still undergoing hormone treatments might not be able to be in elite competitions just as any other drugs are not allowed, but only on that basis. Once it is over with, what's banning them from the same rights?

Quote:: You insist that the People's Front of Kampania is not separatist. Where do you draw the line?

S.K: Very clearly. We are sovereignist, not secessionist. Kampania is part of Valruzia, full stop. But Valruzia should be a country of balanced regions, not a funnel where wealth flows one way and decisions another. Independence is not our goal. Respect to our citizens and our beautiful region.

Quote:I: Your party already won two deputies in the Kampanian Sejmik. Were you surprised by such an early defection from the KPW?

S.K: Surprised? No. Relieved, maybe. Those deputies felt politically homeless. They didn’t leave the left – the left left them. Their decision shows this isn’t about me personally, but about a deeper discomfort.

Quote:I: You have no prior experience in elected office. Is that a weakness?

S.K: It's true that in sports, experience matters – but so does hunger. I know how to prepare, how to listen to coaches, how to learn fast. Politics shouldn’t be a closed profession. If anything, I think my lack of parliamentary routine makes me less cynical.

Quote:I: Some observers have also compared you to former Chancellor Iwan Nowik, another elite athlete that afterwards became a politician. Is that a model you follow?

S:K: I respect Nowik's career, especially his discipline, and all that he has brought to us, both in the tatami and in politics. But I don't imitate anyone. I'm not trying to become Chancellor. I'm trying to make Kampania impossible to ignore. What's more, Nowik came from an already known established family, I come from barely nothing.

Quote:I: Now that you have touched the subject, would you like to share with us a bit more of your personal life, your sporting career, etc?

S:K: I don't mind at all. See, I was born in an average working-class family in a small town of Kampania, you might have not even heard it, it's called Mlanec, right next to the Kampanian National Park. My father used to work shifts in a metal plant and my mother was a cleaner for many years before she could get a stable job. Nothing fancy, nothing extraordinary, just honest work and many long hours so I didn't have to endure the same penalties they had to, and I've always been thankful to them for that. Wrestling came into my life almost by accident then. There was this small local club, cheap enough for families like mine, and it kept kids like me away from trouble. My father first took me there, and it turned out I was good at it, then very good, and suddenly I was travelling the world, although I never forgot where I came from. Every medal I won, every time I heard the Valruzian anthem, I knew it wasn't just me standing there – it was my parents, my people, my region. That's something that stays with you forever.

Quote:I: What can voters expect from the People’s Front of Kampania in the coming months?

S.K: Organisation first. Programme second. We want strong labour protections, fair fiscal redistribution and mechanisms that guarantee regional voices at the national level. Step by step. I won my world titles one bout at a time – this won’t be different. In the coming months, people will also see us listening a lot. We will organise assemblies, meetings with trade unions, neighbourhood associations, youth groups. This party will not be built from a headquarters in the capital, but from the ground up, in Kampania itself. We are not in a rush to promise everything, we are in a rush to do things properly. We have a lot of time ahead of us, and I want things to be done properly. One thing is for sure though: we will not work with the far-right and its allies. That's a promise I can make right here, right now. Kampania is no land for conservative reactionaries, and this party is neither.

Quote:I: Your critics – and even some potential voters – say they still don't quite understand what your party actually is. How does the People's Front of Kampania differ ideologically from the Communist Party of Valruzia, beyond the regional question?

S.K: I think that's a fair question, and I'll try to be very clear. The KPW is a party with a long ideological tradition, a clear doctrine and a national project aimed at transforming the state from the top down. We respect that history. But we are something different.

The People's Front of Kampania is not a party born from theory. We don't start by asking what model should the state look like in fifty years, but why workers here feel powerless today. Our focus is not the final destination of the system, but who controls power right now, at the local and regional level.

We believe in a mixed but strongly regulated economy, where strategic sectors must serve the public interest, but also where local industry, cooperatives and small producers are protected instead of being absorbed by distant state bureaucracies or multinational corporations. Not everything has to be nationalized in the capital to be social, sometimes it has to be anchored in the region.

Another key difference is territorial justice. Kampania produces wealth, energy and industrial output, yet decisions are taken elsewhere. We want binding regional participation in economic planning, labour policy and fiscal redistribution. Not symbolic councils, not advisory chambers but real power-sharing between the national government and us, here and now.

Socially, we are unapologetically progressive. But again, from a practical angle. Rights must exist not only in constitutions, but in daily life – in schools, workplaces and elsewhere. If laws exist but discrimination survives, then politics has failed. So if I had to define us, I would say this: we are a left-wing, worker-based, socially progressive regionalist movement that believes democracy doesn't stop at the ballot box, and sovereignty doesn't belong only to the state, but also to its regions and communities. We believe in participation of the citizens in the daily political life, but we also believe that strong leadership to take hard or difficult decisions is needed many times. And I'm here to be that figure.

Quote:I: Can you name concrete measures your party would pursue that the KPW, despite its time in power, has not yet implemented?

S.K: Oh, of course. First, we want a regional collective bargaining framework for key industrial sectors in Kampania. National agreements often ignore regional productivity, cost of living and working conditions. Kampanian workers should be able to negotiate regionally binding wage floors and safety standards that cannot be undercut nationally. Second, we will push for a mandatory regional reinvestment quota. A fixed percentage of profits generated in Kampania – especially in energy, heavy industry and transport – must be reinvested locally in infrastructure, housing and vocational training. This is something no government has dared to enforce so far. Third, we propose worker representation with veto power in regional strategic companies. Not advisory boards, real decision-making capacity on layoffs, relocations and outsourcing. Workers should not only be consulted after decisions are made. Fourth, we want to establish a Kampanian Public Housing and Land Trust, managed at the regional level, to prevent speculation and guarantee affordable housing near workplaces. National housing plans exist, but they are slow, uneven and often disconnected from local realities. And finally, we will introduce binding regional referendums on major economic and infrastructure projects affecting Kampania. If a project reshapes our territory, our environment or our labour market, people must have the final word, not ministries hundreds of kilometres away from our region.

In the social field, we will push for full legal recognition of gender self-identification at the regional administrative level, without medical or judicial prerequisites. Even where national law is ambiguous, regions can simplify procedures and remove humiliating barriers in civil registries, schools and healthcare access. We also want a public care guarantee, which means expanding regional public childcare, eldercare and disability services with binding maximum waiting times. We will introduce also regional minimum standards for youth employment, including strict limits on unpaid internships, automatic conversion of long-term temporary contracts and regionally funded first-job programmes tied to public and cooperative sectors. We also want to ensure equal access to sports and cultural life to all of our citizens, and that includes clear anti-discrimination rules in regional sports competitions, public funding tied to inclusion criteria and guaranteed access to facilities regardless of gender identity, disability or socioeconomic background.

I think that pretty much sums up many of our first ideas, but as we have said earlier, we will listen around and see what do we come up with in the end.

Quote:I: Final question: do you miss wrestling?

S.K: Every day. But I do believe my time had come, and I wanted to retire at the top of my career. Besides, this is just another arena. Different rules apply, but same principle stands: if you don't fight for your ground, someone will try to push you out of it. Wrestling gave me values like discipline, resilience and humility. Perhaps politics will take some of that away from me, but I’m ready to pay that price if it means I succeed in improving people's lives. I'm not nostalgic of this past { I've never been a nostalgic man, to begin with – but I am grateful of what made me the man I am today. And wrestling made me who I am.

Quote:Steemed citizens of Valruzia:

Tonight, I wish to appear before you to address certain rumors and speculations that surfaced some months ago regarding my personal life. I am not here to ask for leniency or to turn my personal life into a circus to appease the media. I am here to tell the truth clearly, because I believe that is what you deserve, and to stop speculation that is only hurting my family.

Yes. The relationship referred to in the media exists, it is real, and it is known and accepted by all those involved. Until now, it has not been hidden out of shame or political calculation, but protected by a legitimate boundary between the public and the private spheres that has been crossed shamelessly.

I understand, however, that when one holds the position that I hold, that boundary is narrower and more fragile. That is why I assume that confirming this relationship now becomes a political act. I want to clearly state that at no time has the law been violated, nor has pressure been exerted, nor has the will of any State employee been conditioned. At the same time, I accept that power requires extreme guarantees, and that it is not enough to say that something is consensual: it must be demonstrated and proved with facts and controls.

That will be my responsibility, and I will not diminish it; I fully accept it. Being the Chancellor of our great nation means accepting that every personal decision I take can have public consequences. I have now learn this lesson, and I do not and will not hide from its consequences.

As of now, I have ordered specific measures. I have brought the facts to the attention of the competent authorities and I will submit to any parliamentary or administrative control that the Sejm deems necessary. That is my obligation, and I will fulfil it.

But I want to say this just as clearly: I will not resign for maintaining a free and consensual personal relationship that does not violate the law or cause any harm to the public interest. Governing is not about giving in to scandal or legislating based on easy headlines. I will not cede to such attempts to discredit me or my family.

To those who might be already thinking about announcing motions or demanding resignations as I have been reading these past weeks, I say this: confusing ethical demands with political blackmail does not strengthen democracy, it weakens it. Using private life as a weapon of attrition is mere opportunism that will not be tolerated, not by me.

The Sejm, and the citizens of Valruzia as a whole, have the right to scrutinize me or my government's actions, but it does not have the right to demand my resignation on moral grounds based on a lie about "institutional concern". I do not accept this game and I will not participate or play any part in it. I am happy, my wife is happy, our son is happy, and that is the outmost important thing for us.

I will continue to exercise the mandate given to me as long as I retain the confidence of the Sejm and the people of Valruzia, and not for as long as pressure campaigns and partisan calculations last.

Thank you all on this matter, and have a good night.