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Il Proletario - GreekIdiot - 15-10-2024 http://forum.particracy.net/viewtopic.php?f=40&t=9712 RE: Il Proletario - dannypk - 18-10-2024 Il Proletaria is a communist magazine. It was originally created and managed by the Lega Socialista d'Istalia (Socialist League of Istalia), founded by Auro Casella and Federica Carboni in July 5552. Then, the Lega Socialista became the Communsit Party of Istalia. In 5599, Silvio Bianchi seized control of the Il Proletario and abandoned the PCI. RE: Il Proletario - dannypk - 18-10-2024 The programme of the Istalian communists 21st of September 5557 - Auro Casella It has been over 3500 years since Karlstein Metz published his works that paved the way to a large line of communist theory and revolutions all throughout Terra, as well as the development of Vladimir Leonid and his theories on imperialism and the vanguard party, which have been of great influence to us Istalian communists. We have, however, observed a corruption, degradation, mockery of their theories, of which opportunistic revisionists, representing the interests of a desperate bourgeoisie to remain in power by appropriating the communist movement, have taken advantage of multiple times, in multiple ways. We, Italian communists, experienced this with Beato Calabresi and Millio Nenti - the founders of the Socialist Republic as well as the Socialist League of Istalia. Hence why, having gotten past their opportunism, we feel the need to stress and state our position, not as a political party, but as a real movement within Istalia and that seeks to, hopefully, reach out to the international proletariat. But it would be hard to do so without explaining our history - the history of our modern movement and of our party. The establishment of the Socialist Republic From July 5483 to August 5525, the Partito Conservatore Nationale (PCN) ruled the Republic of Istalia without losing any elections. Far from what it may look like, this constant victory of the PCN does not represent a support for the PCN and a status quo, but a disenfranchisement with the rotten capitalist system. Why, if not because from 5525 to 5535, elections stopped being celebrated unofficially - that is, no dictatorship was declared, no elections were ever suspended, but they simply were never held. What was the point, if we all knew what the results would be and when participation was going to be minimal? For all it’s worth, the bourgeoisie seemed to be content with this and there was a certain period of stability under the PCN, which we do not deem as good (although the Istalian bourgeoisie surely did!). There were no reforms being made, no elections, and no sign of activity or interest from any sector of the population. That is, until 5535. Two trade unions, the Unione dei Lavoratori (UdL) and the Centro Lavoratori d’Istalia (CLI) united under a single banner and created the Lega Socialista d’Istalia (LSI) as a catch-all party for all socialists. The UdL was led by the self-declared Metzist, Beato Calabresi, and was mostly composed of Metzists of all sorts who mostly dedicated to internal debates, propaganda and little more. The CLI, led by the Syndicalist Millio Nenti, was rather more focused on activism, direct action, and protecting worker interests - to their disgrace, within a capitalist system, generally being described as “Flandinists”, that is, syndicalists who sought to strengthen the role of trade unions. Logically, uniting two diverging ideologies under a single party was bound to create factionalism, and this was something both Calabresi and Nenti were aware of. Hence why, during their first congress of the LSI, they decided to announce themselves as Segretari - both leaders, with equal authority, of the party. They presented themselves as just figureheads of the party, and declared that any decision the party would take would have to be voted inside the party. Lastly, they made a rather bold and interesting decision: uniting the two unions, the UdL and CLI, under a single union associated with the LSI: the Unione Socialista dei Lavoratori d’Istalia (USLI). In May, elections were held within the party to choose between Calabresi and Nenti as candidate for presidency to the Republic, resulting in the victory of Calabresi with 62% of the votes. Just then, a Hosian democrat and conservative party, the Balena Bianca, appeared in the political scene to compete against the LSI now that the old PCN was no longer a thing. This was clearly an attempt from the bourgeoisie to assure the maintainment of the status quo as it had been doing since 5525 and that was being threatened, under their view, by the existence of the LSI. In June, new elections were held, where Balena Bianca got the most votes, but Calabresi won the presidential elections. The Istalian bourgeoisie was feeling more threatened than ever, and by February 5536 called for new elections and, in an unexpected turn of events, these new elections put the LSI in a better position than before, winning presidential elections again and winning more seats than the Balena Bianca. Accepting their clear defeat, the Balena Bianca disbanded and the LSI seized all the empty seats for themselves. In December 5538, the LSI would finally establish the Socialist Republic of Istalia. Among the constitutional changes made part of the proclamation of the Socialist Republic, the Lega Socialista included: a name change for the Chamber of Deputies to "Congresso Generale" (General Congress), for the President of the Council of Ministers to "Segretario del Congresso Generale" (Secretary of the General Congress), and for the President of Istalia to "Segretario Generale" (General Secretary); a new flag, and a new official motto that would represent the purpose of the Lega Socialista - "Per i lavoratori, per la liberazione" (For workers, for liberation). This caused new members to join the LSI, particularly a more reformist, moderate faction. The Syndicalists were getting angry: they demanded a radical transformation of society as soon as possible, but the rest of the party seemed to be in opposition to this plan of action. The first congress of the Socialist Republic was celebrated in August 5539, announcing new reforms for the Socialist Republic. Among these we can find, however, a rather reformist approach and not an actual Metzist plan of action - or socialist at all. Some expropriation of private property was done, but private property still remained largely, and this alone proves a fact: the LSI was not as revolutionary as they claimed. Had they been revolutionary, the first thing they would have done is get rid of the dominion of the bourgeoisie and declare a dictatorship of the proletariat, which would inevitably lead to the socialisation of the means of production and the formation of worker councils within workplaces. None of this happened, because the Socialist Republic was just yet another bourgeois state feeding off the communist movement. And just soon after these reforms passed, a new party described as a big tent coalition of liberals, conservatives, Hosian democrats, and nationalists, the Fronte Anti Radicale (FAR), appeared in the scene to oppose the LSI. Let us be clear that, by this point, there is no doubt the conflict was between two different factions of the bourgeoisie: one, content with the previous state of things under the PCN, and another, the case of the LSI, a more progressive and reformist section of the bourgeoisie that sought to re-activate the development of productive forces in Istalia. One year later, in August 5540, the second Congress was held to pass military reforms, including making the state own all defense industries and turning the army into a police force as well, likely done in reaction to the formation of the FAR. Yet another sign of the Socialist Republic not being a dictatorship of the proletariat, as one would involve worker militias, not a professional army that was likely made up of reactionary and conservative forces (to the LSI’s ignorance, likely). In April 5541, new elections were held, again with the victory of the LSI. However, with very little advantage over the FAR, something that would be repeated again in the elections of 5545, which led the FAR to disband one year later, accepting its defeat as well. Calabresi and his followers would celebrate this as a “second revolution” and a victory. And this is when I begin my little adventure in the LSI, for some of the Metzists, including myself, started calling out Calabresi, warning him that this meant no victory but was a sign of a possibility for victory in the near future: the only thing the LSI had to do was forbid non-proletarian classes have any sort of political power. We, of course, were not listened to. More bourgeois reforms were made. My dearest ally in the LSI, Federica Carboni, had been appointed as Minister of Environment and Tourism, while I was appointed as Minister of Trade and Industry. We both spoke out often against the lackluster reforms of Calabresi and decided to host a second congress of the LSI, where we called for a new plan of action that would involve the distribution of guns to the workers, the mass nationalisation of private businesses, the mobilisation of worker militias against reactionary and bourgeois forces, the suppression of political rights for non-proletarian groups, and the organisation of worker councils in businesses and industries, replacing the still ongoing rule of the bourgeoisie. The Syndicalists supported us, to some extent, while the followers of Calabresi and moderate socialists opposed it. As such, a vote was held and our plan of action was approved, which led to Calabresi leaving the party, who would be now replaced by me. However, in July 5549, the Forum Liberale would be formed by Andrea Magliano and they would ask for compromising and cooperating with the LSI. The Liberals were, sadly for us, smarter than the previous bourgeois parties, and they would manage to win the elections of February 5552 - the first time in the history of the Socialist Republic that the LSI would lose elections. That same month I held a speech announcing that Istalia has never been a dictatorship of the proletariat - as the victory and existence of the Forum Liberale proves - and is not ready either for it. In January 5556, we won elections again in a period of conflict with the government of Pontesi as well as local Ahmadi radicals, but our stance was clear: the communist government was not a symbol of a dictatorship of the proletariat, but simply had the purpose of safeguarding the revolution which we were hoping would happen soon. The programme While all regions of the world are bound to class struggle and the inevitable introduction of communism, whether it be tomorrow or in centuries, we cannot assume that all regions must follow the same program, as each have different material conditions, that meaning, different factors and elements will give rise to a proletarian revolution in different manners, and its development towards a dictatorship of the proletariat and consequently communism will be different. We believe that all revolutions arise spontaneously, regardless of intervention from any political entity, such as the vanguard party, with the only condition of class consciousness, which we believe to be dynamic and temporal, as the material conditions are in constant evolution and modification. Meaning, some factors that lead to a generalised class consciousness within a region might be modified or erased two years later and reduce class consciousness. When in 5535 the LSI was formed as an alternative to the status quo (the PCN’s rule), class consciousness was at its highest. However, the policies of the LSI tamed the working class and reduced class consciousness with the reforms of the first congress, arriving at the current state of Istalia, where there is barely enough class consciousness to produce a revolution - and our victory in elections is no sign of class consciousness. Despite the fact it is clear that material conditions are different in each region of the world (despite some common grounds, especially in a largely globalised world like today’s), we, communists, must not fall for nationalism at all. The revolution is exclusively international and no nation, culture, religion, or ideology should divide the working class and deviate it from its final objective. It is the task of every worker to support foreign revolutions and make use of any resource to spark it up everywhere else. This is not to mean a proletarian state should make war on bourgeois nations as a way of ‘exporting the revolution’, as this is merely imperialism and one should be sceptical of such moves. Instead, we will clandestinely support local communist organisations, aid them with any necessary equipment and resources, and spread our word there. Imperialism is a tool of the bourgeoisie and not of the proletariat, and national wars are but a form of imperialism, no matter the reasoning behind it. Similarly, we are and should be sceptical of any bourgeois and reactionary institution, such as the state and the army: it is not our intention to simply seize them, but also restructure them to our benefit for as long as the dictatorship of the proletariat is in place. The state will only be composed of the proletariat, and no proletarian will be excluded from it; the army will consist of armed worker militias, and no one else shall bear the right to own and carry guns. Both of these institutions will have the role of protecting and managing the revolution, the dictatorship of the proletariat. One of the ways to do so, and probably the most important early on, is encouraging and speeding up the production of class consciousness within the territory under a dictatorship of the proletariat, as without this, no revolution will thrive. We must forget about bourgeois ideals of ‘freedom, democracy, equality’ and such: we will exercise full control of the state and oppress any class that is not the proletariat, while altogether we will make sure to transition towards a communist economy that will inevitably turn everyone into a worker of the same status. Lastly, we will insist on our revolutionary character, never supporting, endorsing nor surrendering to reformism. Reformism is a sign of revisionism and opportunism - two things we stress that are the biggest enemies to the working class of today, being no more than one of the many tools the bourgeoisie has to keep the working class under control, luring them with meaningless policies and ideals. We are the real deal, and that is why we will meet opposition. And we have a message for such opposition: the proletariat will not bow down, nor keep quiet, nor give up without a fight. Thus, to summarise, the programme of the Istalian communists asserts that: The communist movement is a material and international movement of a revolutionary character, regardless of smaller differences in material conditions between regions of the world. We oppose bourgeois ideals, systems and institutions: from democracies, to monarchies and bourgeois dictatorships; from the state to the army; from freedom to oppression; from equality to inequality. The movement is purely a proletarian one, for the proletariat. This does not mean that other class cannot participate, but they will willingly have to cease of their position as a non-proletarian class and join the proletariat - or accept a lack of political power and rights for as long as they are not proletarian. We are entirely opposed to reformism and opportunism and we will declare any sign of such as bourgeois and thus opposed to the communist movement. The proletariat has nothing to gain from division, and thus must unite as a single class with the same line of action. The party will act as a beehive, a representant of the working class and at the same time its protector and guide until it is deemed unnecessary of such role. The party will not rule nor enact reforms under a dictatorship of the proletariat, just like a labour union does not rule. Our main task, besides opposing reformist and opportunistic subjects and calling them out, will be that of raising class consciousness, not just in Istalia, but in all of Terra. Any opposition shall not be met kindly. RE: Il Proletario - dannypk - 11-01-2025 Denouncing the PCI and global imperialists 16th of April 5599 - Auro Casella One cannot believe that such an influential communist magazine, the very one I am writing in, ceased to publish new entries in over 30 years, with the death of Auro Casella and the disappearance of Federica Carboni. Considering all the events that have happened ever since, I am inclined to seize this magazine to publish what I hope will not be the last entry here. I will get straight to the point before proceeding with the ruthless criticism that this party - and nation(s) - require: we, Istalian communists, are abandoning the Communist Party of Istalia, as all communists should have done just after the assassination of Casella. And the reader might ask, why is this? Let us explain, with no censorship and shame. The failure of the Revolutionary Unity Government Following the assassination of Auro Casella, the greatest revolutionary this nation has ever had, four members of the PCI decided to take over and install what they called the “Revolutionary Unity Government”, a transitional government composed by Erminio Boni, Amanzio Berni, Publio Carvelli, and Nevio Russo. Boni was a close friend of Carboni. While Casella and Carboni had similar views, Carboni was often more diplomatic and an intellectual. In fact, back when the Forum Liberale was still around, she decided to answer to some proposals made by the Liberals and even agreed to compromise with some of the proposals, something that did not happen, but is a dangerous game to play. Boni, indeed, shared this admiration for diplomacy, unless we were speaking of Pontesi, in which case, he had no shame in speaking like an imperialist beast - not unlike Beiteynu, Lourenne, Pontesi, Kafuristan, Ananto, and the rest of prepubescent empires. Berni, on the other hand, was more pragmatic and truly understood the words of Casella. Both of them would compose what I call the “Left Opposition”, especially Berni. However, I have mentioned the good actors, but not yet the opportunistic and counter-revolutionary members, Carvelli and Russo. Carvelli was the definition of a soldier turned communist by force: he only shared the cause for the sake of belonging, and not because he had actually understood and immersed in it. Russo, however, was even worse: private letters sent by Russo to different members of the party were revealed by anonymous sources, in which Russo exposed his racist and imperialist mindset. These two are part of what I call the “Right Opposition”. We must be clear: racism is antithetical to the communist cause. The Majatran population, even if very much composed by counter-revolutionaries, is no inferior or superior to any other ethnicity, and the revolution will be for all proletarians of any sex, race, nationality, and age. Not just that, the revolution will liberate the proletariat from any sort of oppression that comes from class society: racism, sexism, xenophobia, etc. will no longer be present in a communist society, and we will not tolerate anyone who holds racist, sexist, xenophobic, and any other oppressive and hateful ideology towards the proletariat of any kind. Our cause is a class movement. Let this not have to be repeated once again. The Revolutionary Unity Government was meant to fail, logically, when two opportunists and counter-revolutionaries were given a lot of power. At first, alliances did not exist and all seemed to work together, however, eventually, alliances were formed, and this is when the “Left Opposition” and the “Right Opposition” come to exist finally. Until Boni was assassinated and then Russo accused Berni of it and of having threatened to assassinate Russo, who then ordered his execution, with the support of Carvelli. This is when the Revolutionary Unity Government dies, and not just it, but also the revolution that Casella had started decades ago. It was the end of Istalian communism, but the worst was yet to come. The war between imperialistic, irrational beasts Soon after declaring the end of the Revolutionary Unity Government, in April 5574 Russo declared war on Pontesi and Kafuristan, sending an unusual amount of ships and soldiers to invade them. However, it did not take long for this to backfire, as Pontesi’s allies (mainly Beiteynu and the Jelbic Empire) joined the war to aid Pontesi, and obviously, recover influence in a territory they used to benefit from trading with, and getting rid of the communist menace in their continent. To no one’s surprise, other nations that had no reason to get involved in the conflict would also join: Luthori seeking to recover the reputation it had lost in the last centuries, Lourenne and Ananto pretending to be rational and friendly by condemning “imperialism” and imposing sanctions. There are very easy explanations for all of this. Let us start by speaking of Istalia. Russo did not start his rule properly, there was a lot of scepticism around him, especially after the letters were revealed and casually his two opponents died. Historically, we can see that imperialism has often been used for several reasons, one of them being to establish and legitimise rule, through the use of nationalism: by attacking the two main enemies of Istalia (Pontesi and Kafuristan), Russo was distracting our nation of the issues we were facing and that we were going to face with his rule. Our new issue was defeating our two enemies, and everything else no longer mattered. However, this plan was a failure for Russo: he declared war to two nations at the same time, started out in a suicidal way, was not ready for such large-scale war and at such distance, and to make things worse, he faced opposition from most of Terra’s large powers, with barely any help from the Socialist International, except for Zardugal. Eventually, when Kafuristan and Pontesi invaded the nation, Russo was captured and his regime ended. His plan backfired: rather than legitimising and strengthening his rule, it rather ended it. Another use imperialism has had historically, has been to seize new resources (either through expansionism or puppeteering). We consider that Beiteynu has been in decline for decades and has been trying many different things to sort it out: becoming part of a larger empire, creating a lot of treaties controlling key waters, lands, etc., getting rid of competition internationally (such as Xsampa), and, obviously, intervening in other wars where they could directly or indirectly grab a piece of profit. And this they did with the war between Istalia and Pontesi and Kafuristan, as allies of Pontesi. Strengthening Pontesi, Beiteynu’s puppet (much to their disgrace), benefits Beiteynu in the short-term, however let us make a warning to Beiteynu: if you continue declining and your puppet gets stronger than you, pray the roles do not switch! And, lastly, another use of imperialism that we have seen throughout history is a rather subtle and indirect one: opportunism. Let me put several examples. Why had Luthori to intervene in this conflict? As Casella addressed in a previous entry, Luthori had once been a very influential and powerful empire that in the last few centuries has decline a lot progressively (similar to what is starting to happen to Beiteynu, although Luthori’s case is more advanced, and Beiteynu seems to have been more competent at resisting the decline). The Luthorian bourgeoisie saw a key opportunity to restore power, influence and reputation: bomb some Istalian cities at the moment they see Istalia is losing, declare yourself part of the winners, and maybe earn some profit off it if you can. Luthorian opportunism has been far from subtle and discreet, though: desperate times require desperate measures, they say. Then, we have Lourenne and Ananto, who used this conflict to pretend they are the “good guys” that would never resort to war, when Lourenne had been constantly intervening in wars and even directly fighting wars against their enemies (such as Beiteynu a couple centuries ago), and Ananto has been attempting to expand its borders, often in a rather aggressive and militaristic way that they try to disguise as “asking in a friendly manner”. Shall we ask Baltusians what they think of the “very friendly” Kalistan? But we do not only have to criticise the enemies of Istalia, but also its allies. When Istalia declared war on Pontesi and Kafuristan, what should the Socialist International have done? Condemn it as bourgeois imperialism! What did they do, though? Support Istalia, uncritically. But worst of all is, when Istalia needed its allies the most, of all the Socialist International, only Zardugal helped them - when Zardugal was already facing the Jelbic Empire, which was neighbouring them, and could not help much. Casella had criticised Xsampa multiple times for being an opportunist and revisionist nation that often aligned with Lourennais imperialism. We still decided to trust them and ally with them, hoping we could make Xsampa turn away from imperialism and revisionism by cooperating closely. However, Xsampa abandoned Istalian communists, just sent us a few missiles that we could barely use, and then refused to help more because they were, supposedly, blocked by sea. Guess who is now fighting against Beiteynu and is going to face a similar situation to Istalia’s? That is right, Xsampa! And Baltusia, as soon as the war started, kept quiet and offered no help at all. It is hard to believe there has been a revolution at all there: whatever happened to Baltusia, it is a thing of the past. In the present, the revolution has been betrayed and abandoned there as well. The end of Istalian history Carvelli, having seized power after Russo was captured, finally decided to surrender and agreed to a harsh peace treaty that divided Istalia in three independent territories: Quanzar, for the Majatran population; Alaria, for the Istalian communists, and Istalia, under control of Pontesi. This is a clear intention of dividing the Istalian population and reducing, like this, the influence of Istalian communists, feeding on nationalism. And it has worked: a new party, seeking to end the Socialist Republic and reunite Istalia, under the name of “Fronte Patriotico d’Istalia”, formed in Alaria despite non-socialist parties being illegal since the times of Casella. Despite Carvelli’s government tried to warn them to disband, they have not listened and the PCI is losing strength and support, so much that Carvelli, now apparently “reformed” and “disappointed”, revealed that it was Russo who assassinated Boni and that he executed Berni because he had found it out, and said that the war that he so much had supported was a mistake. If Carvelli thinks the Istalian proletariat will forget his opportunism, he does not know his own people! But it is not the Istalian proletariat that must worry Carvelli and us, but the Istalian bourgeoisie and petite bourgeoisie, that is now recovering influence and power. Carvelli temporarily suspending elections is not going to stop them, but give them more strength and influence. Istalia’s history has reached its end. Whatever happens next, will be something entirely new, and our role as communists will be to critically and ruthlessly analyse the new society that is going to form in the next decades, and let the revolution rest until new conditions are there. And learn from our past mistakes, in the meantime, so that for the next revolution to come, this never happens once again. And the only way to do this, is to separate from the revisionist Communist Party of Istalia. From now on, I, Silvio Bianchi, will manage this magazine independently of the PCI and organise with likeminded comrades. This is the end of the Istalian revolution.