16-11-2025, 03:52 PM
L'OPINIONE|A new polarization between the consolidation of the Greens and the rise of the Nationalists
The 5688 elections mark a political turning point: PSD and PNL are in crisis, the Greens' Movement strengthens its leadership, while the Istalian National Front surprises with a success among the military
by Luigi Menichetti, political science full professor of the Enrico Bergson University of Romula
![[Image: ZPNRjN6m.jpeg]](https://i.imgur.com/ZPNRjN6m.jpeg)
The recent elections have undoubtedly offered many food for thought to experts and analysts, proving, more than the previous round, to be a true turning point for Istalian politics. Corriere d'Istalia therefore asked its editorialist Luigi Menichetti, full professor of political science at the Enrico Bergson University in Romula, to comment on these recent elections.
Menichetti observes that these elections have offered a clear glimpse of the transformation underway in the Istalian political landscape. It is not simply a redistribution of consensus or a physiological change in leadership: what emerges is a profound recomposition of political poles, the significance of which transcends the electoral contingency and is projected onto a historical and cultural level.
The PSD and PNL are undoubtedly the biggest losers in these elections. Once the hegemons of their respective camps, both are now suffering internal crises, defections and a loss of identity. The PSD, once a cornerstone of Istalian progressivism and a privileged interlocutor of unions and the social world, appears split between a segment perceived as too closely aligned, and therefore obscured, with the Greens' positions, and a wing more nostalgic for a "more socialist" socialism, yet still seeking a modern, innovative approach that can compete with the Greens' current reformist momentum. The result is a party that is currently struggling to define its own political space in a context where the reformist axis has decisively shifted toward Cantalamessa and her Greens' Movement.
The PNL's crisis is a mirror image, but unlike that of the PSD, it has been dragging on for many more years. Obviously, like the entire opposition, it has suffered from the decades-long hegemony of the progressive camp, however, it also appears unable to recover from the loss of the political depth and charisma of Valeriano Giunio, the man who truly redefined the party's positions and objectives, but who, however, likely sowed the seeds that led to the split two years ago. Once a pillar of Istalian liberalism, the party now appears caught between two fires: on one side, the Hosian Democratic Union, which appeals to conservative and moderate voters with a language rooted in Hosian Democratic values, a decidedly more incisive dialectic and better equipped to counter left-wing hegemony; on the other, the Istalian National Front, which has eroded its right flank by attracting nationalists and sovereignists dissatisfied with the party's centrism and pragmatism. The PNL, for the moment, therefore, appears still deeply entangled in internal reflection on its identity and incapable of countering its direct competitors.
These phenomena are the result of Istalia's political polarization, which for at least two legislative terms has progressively shifted from the traditional, predominantly economic, left-right axis toward a new and more complex paradigm, pitting environmentalist progressives and social liberals on the one hand, and traditionalist nationalists and moderate conservatives on the other. Those who find themselves lost and isolated within these alignments today are the liberal parties, too progressive for the conservatives and traditionalists, and too liberal for the moderates, in an Istalia that seems having internalized its own socioeconomic model, where extensive welfare, cross-class and cross-category solidarity and the widespread distribution of prosperity no longer represent a political exception, but a true national culture.
This "new" left, led by the Greens' Movement, is no longer an expression of "traditional" socialism or classical solidarity: it is a force that combines pragmatic environmentalism, a regulated but strong market economy, social concern and civil rights, with a vision many define as "post-ideological". In this sense, Cantalamessa has transformed the Greens' Movement into a political laboratory, where progressive and liberal ideas coexist with a strong sense of collective responsibility and social solidarity. From this perspective, the Greens' Movement is welcoming the most interesting and dynamic political and philosophical debates and reflections in the Istalian political and academic landscape, becoming a laboratory for the expression of alternative, unconventional and innovative ideas and experiments.
On the other side, the UOD has consolidated its position as the new conservative pole, representing a composed and institutional right, rooted in the Hosian Democratic tradition but attentive to national sovereignty and identity values. Its growth is part of a trend of "regrouping moderates" seeking a coherent and recognizable point of reference that can effectively challenge the hegemony of the left with clear and solid values.
In this scenario of redefining the balance of power, the success of the Istalian National Front deserves a special mention. The Italian National Front, which won 19 seats on its debut, caused a sensation, surprising observers and analysts, not so much for the quantity of votes, but for the quality and distribution of support. Indeed, the number of votes obtained among the military is significant, where the party achieved a surprising result. The FNI has thus brought to light a compact bloc of officers and veterans within the Armed Forces, who for decades had remained politically marginalized, crushed by the dominance of more moderate and institutional views. Now, however, that segment appears to have regained its voice in a party unafraid to advance a strong, imperial and identity-based vision of Istalia.
Should the left be concerned? Or perhaps Istalian politics as a whole? The FNI presents itself as the most radical party in the current political landscape, with an aggressive, strongly sovereignist and patriotic rhetoric. During the election campaign, it did not hesitate to express controversial positions on both domestic and foreign policy.
Yet, some observers have pointed out that the FNI has also been "the least hypocritical": it seems, in fact, that the party has espoused a "worldview" in which national interests come before all other considerations and where one should not be afraid to declare and support them openly. The FNI has explicitly stated its desire for an Istalia that is not afraid to adopt any means to assert its interests "in the face of barbarians and rival powers", promoting even a openly hegemonic and imperial Istalia, equipped with a strong and assertive armed forces, as the way to defend and boast Istalian interests. A party that, according to several analysts, "will need to be monitored closely" to determine whether it represents a temporary phenomenon or the beginning of a new era of Istalian nationalism.
The 5688 elections mark a political turning point: PSD and PNL are in crisis, the Greens' Movement strengthens its leadership, while the Istalian National Front surprises with a success among the military
by Luigi Menichetti, political science full professor of the Enrico Bergson University of Romula
CORRIERE D'ISTALIA
POLITICS
August 5688 - International Edition
The recent elections have undoubtedly offered many food for thought to experts and analysts, proving, more than the previous round, to be a true turning point for Istalian politics. Corriere d'Istalia therefore asked its editorialist Luigi Menichetti, full professor of political science at the Enrico Bergson University in Romula, to comment on these recent elections.
Menichetti observes that these elections have offered a clear glimpse of the transformation underway in the Istalian political landscape. It is not simply a redistribution of consensus or a physiological change in leadership: what emerges is a profound recomposition of political poles, the significance of which transcends the electoral contingency and is projected onto a historical and cultural level.
The PSD and PNL are undoubtedly the biggest losers in these elections. Once the hegemons of their respective camps, both are now suffering internal crises, defections and a loss of identity. The PSD, once a cornerstone of Istalian progressivism and a privileged interlocutor of unions and the social world, appears split between a segment perceived as too closely aligned, and therefore obscured, with the Greens' positions, and a wing more nostalgic for a "more socialist" socialism, yet still seeking a modern, innovative approach that can compete with the Greens' current reformist momentum. The result is a party that is currently struggling to define its own political space in a context where the reformist axis has decisively shifted toward Cantalamessa and her Greens' Movement.
The PNL's crisis is a mirror image, but unlike that of the PSD, it has been dragging on for many more years. Obviously, like the entire opposition, it has suffered from the decades-long hegemony of the progressive camp, however, it also appears unable to recover from the loss of the political depth and charisma of Valeriano Giunio, the man who truly redefined the party's positions and objectives, but who, however, likely sowed the seeds that led to the split two years ago. Once a pillar of Istalian liberalism, the party now appears caught between two fires: on one side, the Hosian Democratic Union, which appeals to conservative and moderate voters with a language rooted in Hosian Democratic values, a decidedly more incisive dialectic and better equipped to counter left-wing hegemony; on the other, the Istalian National Front, which has eroded its right flank by attracting nationalists and sovereignists dissatisfied with the party's centrism and pragmatism. The PNL, for the moment, therefore, appears still deeply entangled in internal reflection on its identity and incapable of countering its direct competitors.
These phenomena are the result of Istalia's political polarization, which for at least two legislative terms has progressively shifted from the traditional, predominantly economic, left-right axis toward a new and more complex paradigm, pitting environmentalist progressives and social liberals on the one hand, and traditionalist nationalists and moderate conservatives on the other. Those who find themselves lost and isolated within these alignments today are the liberal parties, too progressive for the conservatives and traditionalists, and too liberal for the moderates, in an Istalia that seems having internalized its own socioeconomic model, where extensive welfare, cross-class and cross-category solidarity and the widespread distribution of prosperity no longer represent a political exception, but a true national culture.
This "new" left, led by the Greens' Movement, is no longer an expression of "traditional" socialism or classical solidarity: it is a force that combines pragmatic environmentalism, a regulated but strong market economy, social concern and civil rights, with a vision many define as "post-ideological". In this sense, Cantalamessa has transformed the Greens' Movement into a political laboratory, where progressive and liberal ideas coexist with a strong sense of collective responsibility and social solidarity. From this perspective, the Greens' Movement is welcoming the most interesting and dynamic political and philosophical debates and reflections in the Istalian political and academic landscape, becoming a laboratory for the expression of alternative, unconventional and innovative ideas and experiments.
On the other side, the UOD has consolidated its position as the new conservative pole, representing a composed and institutional right, rooted in the Hosian Democratic tradition but attentive to national sovereignty and identity values. Its growth is part of a trend of "regrouping moderates" seeking a coherent and recognizable point of reference that can effectively challenge the hegemony of the left with clear and solid values.
In this scenario of redefining the balance of power, the success of the Istalian National Front deserves a special mention. The Italian National Front, which won 19 seats on its debut, caused a sensation, surprising observers and analysts, not so much for the quantity of votes, but for the quality and distribution of support. Indeed, the number of votes obtained among the military is significant, where the party achieved a surprising result. The FNI has thus brought to light a compact bloc of officers and veterans within the Armed Forces, who for decades had remained politically marginalized, crushed by the dominance of more moderate and institutional views. Now, however, that segment appears to have regained its voice in a party unafraid to advance a strong, imperial and identity-based vision of Istalia.
Should the left be concerned? Or perhaps Istalian politics as a whole? The FNI presents itself as the most radical party in the current political landscape, with an aggressive, strongly sovereignist and patriotic rhetoric. During the election campaign, it did not hesitate to express controversial positions on both domestic and foreign policy.
Yet, some observers have pointed out that the FNI has also been "the least hypocritical": it seems, in fact, that the party has espoused a "worldview" in which national interests come before all other considerations and where one should not be afraid to declare and support them openly. The FNI has explicitly stated its desire for an Istalia that is not afraid to adopt any means to assert its interests "in the face of barbarians and rival powers", promoting even a openly hegemonic and imperial Istalia, equipped with a strong and assertive armed forces, as the way to defend and boast Istalian interests. A party that, according to several analysts, "will need to be monitored closely" to determine whether it represents a temporary phenomenon or the beginning of a new era of Istalian nationalism.