Istalia

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Between tradition and strategy the Istalian right responds to the progressist mobilization

Values, economy and alliances: PNL and UOD work to create a united front and to attract new allies and offer a concrete alternative to the left

Political rally organized by the center-right

May 5647

While the “Civil Aurora Movement” galvanizes the streets and seems to redraw the political axis of the Istalian left, the right front is organizing to counter its rise, prefiguring a return to the ideological confrontation between irreconcilable visions of society and State. Leading the right-wing reaction are obviously the National Liberal Party and the Hosian Democratic Union, which despite different perspectives have begun to move on common ground.

The PNL, with firm tones, points the finger at the economic proposals of the left, defining them as “utopian” and potentially harmful to the Istalian production system. The openings to models of participatory and planned economy, inspired by recent experiences and post-Metzist doctrines, are interpreted as a dangerous return to the dirigiste excesses of the Socialist Republic of Istalia, with all its consequences of economic authoritarianism and repression of free enterprise. "We cannot go back to the times when the State decided who could grow and who could not," the party's Secretary Valeriano Giunio stated clearly. The fear, shared by representatives of the business world, is that of a climate that is not favorable to investment and competitiveness.

On the other hand, the Hosian Democratic Union has instead chosen to focus on the ethical and social level, forcefully reiterating its support for the values of the traditional family and the principles of the Aurorian doctrine, considered as the foundation of Istalian culture and national identity. "The demands for progress cannot mean the collapse of the moral references that hold our society together", said the Secretary of the UCD Domenico Musetti, who then underlined how the protection of life, motherhood and the educational role of the family are not "dogmas", but guarantees of community cohesion and responsibility.

And it is precisely the Hosian Democratic Union that is establishing itself as the engine of the conservative counter-mobilization, capable of bringing large segments of society close to the Auroran Church, pro-life activists and supporters of the traditional family back to the streets. The demonstrations, well organized and rooted especially in the most rural and conservative areas of the country, although should not be understimated the presence also in the largest conglomerations, are contradicting the predictions of many analysts and progressive voices, showing that the social and cultural weight of Auroranism is strong and alive, even more than many believed. According to rumors, the phenomenon is also surprising the PNL, where the attention towards this electorate is growing on the part of the conservative and pragmatic wing, which now sees in this movement a pool of consensus that is anything but marginal and potentially decisive in future political strategies and alliances.

And yet, precisely on the ground of civil and social rights there is an internal crack in the PNL. If the more conservative and pragmatic sectors of the party are more willing to compromise with the more rigid ethical positions of the UOD, to consolidate a common electoral axis and guarantee governability and new spaces of political influence, the historical core of Istalian nationalism, characterized for centuries by a broadly liberatarian and progressive social approach, which, like many at left, looks with pride to the centuries in which Istalia was a beacon of freedom and tolerance in the world, shows growing intolerance. Many remember that the most glorious moments in Istalian history were marked by an inclusive, secular and progressive vision of individual rights, values that at the time distinguished Istalia from obscurantist and reactionary totalitarianism.

In this context, there are also growing voices looking at a possible post-electoral agreement with the Liberal Republican Party, a minority group but very active among liberal leaders and in urban centers, and with Democracy & Freedom, a party well-rooted in the business fabric and increasingly concerned by the socialist demands of the left. The organizing of the left around the new socialist and communist economic proposals are viewed with suspicion by a growing part of the productive world, especially among small and medium-sized entrepreneurs, who fear a hostile climate towards profit and private initiative.

Economic topics could represent today the most fertile ground for a recomposition of the center-right front up to the most structured right, offering a possible unitary response to the proposals of the left. However, even in this field, a frank confrontation between the various souls of the front will be necessary: if PNL and D&L remain on decidedly liberal positions, with D&L often criticized for its persistent reference to neoliberal models considered by many now outdated, UOD proposes a more solidaristic and corporative approach with attention to family politics, while PRL pushes for a market economy oriented towards social responsibility. Any convergence will therefore require mediation and synthesis, but the plurality of visions could become a strong point in defining a credible and innovative alternative proposal.

Although today the political and academic debate seems more lively on the left, the Istalian liberal area is also showing growing ferment and renewal. New reflections are emerging, often with a critical look at the models of the past and their limits, recognizing how precisely these failures favored the rise of socialism and, finally, communism which led to the Socialist Republic. The new ideas and models that are emerging, are clearly charaterized by a new approach to capitalism, an approach that is sensitive to social issues, to the environment, to workers' conditions, therefore an approach that really wants to offer valid alternatives to the proposals of the left, aware of the fact that community, working conditions, social responsibility and the environment are now central themes, a reaction to the degenerations of classical capitalism.
Among the most interesting proposals is the neo-corporatism promoted by Giuliano Fossati and Ivano Sadaria, who in their essey of 5627 "New models of public-private partnership" they re-evaluates the public-private-union partnership for strategic investment planning as an alternative to mere deregulation. In the reformist liberal right, the so called Milona School is gaining ground, a supporter of "Stakeholder capitalism", which replaces the principle of "maximizing profits for shareholders" with the idea that companies should also serve workers, local communities and the environment. On the institutional level, the so-called Pontelasa Group, encouraged by the surge of autonomist positions, promotes a vision based on reinforced subsidiarity and intelligent fiscal federalism, to build a State that is closer to citizens, efficient and supportive, without weakening national unity, positions that could attract many from the autonomist front in Alaria.

And just about the delicate front of autonomist demands, the positions of the two main right-wing parties are emerging in a distinct but complementary way. The UOD has shown itself more open to dialogue with the Alarian autonomists, initiating constant contacts with local movements and declaring itself available to support even forms of broad autonomy, as long as they respect constitutional unity and national cohesion. The goal, according to the UOD leaders, is to find a shared path that enhances the historical and territorial peculiarities of the island, reconciling them with a vision of interregional solidarity. On the other hand, the PNL has chosen a more centralist line, responding to Alaria's demands with a national identity narrative, underlining how Alaria is the cradle of Istalian civilization, an integral part of its history and identity, and there are no cultural or identity divergences to justify separatist pushes. The party calls for shifting the debate to the economic and social level, recognizing the existence of a gap to be filled with targeted development policies and shared investments, which strengthen national unity without giving up territorial justice.

With the opening of this new political season, Istalian moderates and the right find themselves having to choose whether to defend a long-term ideological coherence or adapt to the needs of realpolitik, closing ranks so as not to leave the field free to the renewed progressive front. A challenge that will not only be electoral, but identity-based. But the price to pay could be high: alienating a part of the moderate and liberal electorate, which looks favorably on civil rights and fears a return to a rigid conservatism that is in fact little representative of the historical legacy of the particular Istalian nationalism.