International Bibliographic Index (IBI)

[Wu Han]

Title: Avnayheim
Author(s): Various

Published: Gem Publishing
Year: 5430
Language(s): Yeudish (original); multiple translations.
Physical Details: 372 p.
Subjects: History (of Beiteynu).
Wiki Page: Click here.

Summary: Avnayheim (Gems) is a history book infused with elements of fiction that tells the story of the Yeudi Monarchy and the House of Elior through the forging of the 8 Gems by Elior and their transformation into the Yeudi Heritage's closely tied cultural symbol, as a result of the Yeudi Diaspora of the 1500s.

The story begins with the Qedarite Migrations, thousands and thousands of years ago.

Ariel claimed Elyon spoke to him of a Holy Land to the West; a claim that found followers amidst the Birites in Cildania, essentially founding Yeudism and giving the Yeudi People their first essence as a race. Ariel had a trusted confidant; Elior. At his deathbed, he told Elior of his vision of the impending Yeudi Diaspora, which took place by the 1500s, after the end of the Sacred Monarchy of Beiteynu during the Ancient Era of Beiteynu.

Thus, Elior forged the 8 Gems, which would inevitably bind the Yeudi Monarchy with the Yeudi Heritage, when Ishmael I, one of his descendants, was crowned Meleh of the 1st Yeudi Homeland in 908; with the Yeudi Crown of 8 Gems, the one lost throughout history and unveiled 4000 years later by Aristocrat Insurance Group.

Well, at least that's according to the legend of the House of Elior.

The passing of history saw Cildanian Hegemony (Qedarite Empire) and Pontesi's occupation after the sacking of Yishelem, which led the direct lineage of the House of Elior's Yeudi Monarchs to fade into obscurity. Through the Modern Era of Beiteynu and by 2000, a 2nd Yeudi Homeland was annexed by Barmenistan, Pontesi and Narikaton and Darnussia. The 3rd, 4th and 5th Yeudi Homelands by the 2300s came to pass, at which point it was confirmed that Yeladim Keshef of the Keshef House from Keymon, mapped the whereabouts of the 8 Gems, for the first time providing some context to what was largely assumed as one of the Culture of Beiteynu's legends.

Then something curious happened.

The 6th Yeudi Homeland ended with Luthori's claim of the Kingdom of Yishelem by the 2800s. The Bloodline tells the story of Theodore Aristocrat, a Yeudi from Kafuristan, who found Keshef's notes - confirmed by Baruch Lea Tzafrir's travel logs 3000 years later. The Aristocrat House was an avid hater of the International Monarchist League - after all, it fought the Axis with the Global Peacekeeping Organisation through Kalopia, so why did the Aristocrats continuously meet with the Holy Luthori Empire's kings and queens?

The end of the Kingdom brought the Limelight Era of Beiteynu.

Where's the 7th Yeudi Homeland? If the Homeland State of Beiteynu established in 5400, thousands of years later during the Emergence Era of Beiteynu was marked as the 8th Yeudi Homeland, what was the 7th?

If it was the Kingdom, why is Luthori's claim over Beiteynu still, well, claimed as one of the homelands?

Supposedly, the beans are spilled by those involved, directly or indirectly, with the most controversial book series in modern Beiteynuese history: The Meddling Affairs.

A story of a worldwide plot on the whereabouts of the jewels of legend.

---

Originally posted by GreekIdiot on Jan 28, 2024.

[Wu Han]

Title: Quotations from Leader Sigismondo Falzon
Author(s): Falzon, Sigismundo

Published: Qart Qildar: Federazzjoni Ġenerali tax-Xogħol
Year: 5402
Language(s): Gziri (original); multiple translations.
Physical Details: 109 p.
Subjects: Quotations.
Wiki Page: N/A.

Summary: Quotations from Leader Sigismondo Falzon, popularly known as the "Little Orange Book," is a collection of quotes and speeches delivered by Cildanian former Deputy Prime Minister Sigismondo Falzon. The book was initially produced and published by the Federazzjoni Ġenerali tax-Xogħol (General Labour Federation) as a form of satire and critique, amidst a resurgence of interest in the iconic political figure. In time, however, the book would become popular among fans and supporters of Falzon.

Notable Quotations:

Falzon, on misogyny in contemporary politics:

You think you can f--king threaten one of my girls, you filthy c--ksucker? We can't go around treatin' women like f--kin' objects. That's not how a f--kin' boss conducts himself. Now, I ain't no professor or nothin', but that's some f--kin' toxic masculinity sh-t, and we need to f--kin' address it. No more degradin' comments or this objectifyin' yadda-yadda. And certainly no threatening to kill a f--kin' defenceless dame!

Falzon, on Guiliano Alagona in 5323:

Don’t let his pretty face fool you! Guili is tough as nails! I cannot tell you how many times, during particularly tense negotiations, that I’ve wanted to wrap my hands around that slender neck and watch the life drain from his face!

Falzon, on antiyeudism and religious freedom:

Listen, I'm glad I got the government off its tookus, but these measures, I mean, c'mon! Right after their synagogue was bombed, you're going to send in the troops to place the Yeudi community under martial law? It's ridiculous! Y'know, we were once a nation of religious freedom—but not under this government's watch! It wasn't the Yeudis who blew their own rabbi sky high, it was the antiyeudi thugs who have been inspired and strengthened over the years by Franġi's coalition partners' willingness to dabble in such disgusting ideas.

Falzon, on Margerita Giudice, Leader of One Flag, and the normalization of fascism:

And here I thought Margerita was this vivacious, ravishing woman—which she still is, ok? I can't take that from her—but f-ck me, is she ever dirty? All of us who were engaged in the democracy struggle, we had one f-cking big, thick, hard red line: we won't make deals with the fascists. Now look what she's gone and done! And don't get me started on Little Piscopo Jr. This pair... they have royally f-cked our democratic system!

Falzon, on drag performers and crossdressers:

Listen, you do you, I'll do me, and together we'll live in harmony. To me, these are some real freaks and weirdos—but if bein' a freak or a weirdo was a crime, Little Piscopo would have been locked up long ago!

Falzon, in commemoration of the Qart Qildar Synagogue bombing:

If one of these dirty motherf-ckers tries something again, you have my word as a man that I will braid their hair into my f-ckin' bathmat so I can stand on their ugly f-ckin' faces and piss down their throats until they drown! It's inexcusable that there have been no arrests—the person responsible for this beastly act needs to be pulled out of the hole they're hiding in, hogtied, and dragged behind a f-ckin' police cruiser until they get to the headquarters of the goddamned Civil Guard! Lock them up and throw away the key!

---

Originally posted by Wu Han on Jan 31, 2024.

[Wu Han]

Title: Constructing International Law: Contributions and Contradictions of the Security Council
Author(s): Demartino, Alessia

Published: Harat: University of Harat Press
Year: 5402
Language(s): Gziri (original); multiple translations.
Physical Details: 389 p.
Subjects: Non-fiction; political theory; international law.
Wiki Page: N/A.

Summary: In Constructing International Law, Cildanian political scientist and international legal theorist Alessia Demartino examines the construction of international law, particularly as through the actions taken, and norms promoted, by the World Congress Security Council. In surveying the body of active Security Council Resolutions, Demartino argues that the Security Council is the single most important and influential institution in the development of international law and global political norms.

The most notable positive contributions of the World Congress and the Security Council, according to Demartino, include the Declaration of Natural Human Rights (Appendix I), the Condemnation of Anti-Religion Bigotry (Appendix II), the Ban on Armed Conflict Between States (Appendix III), and the Prohibition of Forced Marriage (Appendix IV), among other important developments. Security Council Resolution 88 (Appendix V) is particularly important, according to Demartino, as it offers the "clearest and most authoritative declaration of what the role of the World Congress is, and should be," while also enshrining the norms of state sovereignty and non-interference at the highest order of international law.

Nevertheless, Demartino identifies a number of issues and contradictions. Importantly, Demartino argues that the legal status of the World Congress, the Security Council, and its resolutions, remains vague—what resolutions are binding? What resolutions are non-binding? What status do resolutions hold relative to global treaties? How are agencies funded? How are they organized? Who directs them, and how are they appointed? All these questions—and more, as Demartino suggests—are important to resolve for future development and clarification of the World Congress system.

Leaving these issues unresolved, while also permitting the unhindered proliferation of new organizations, agencies, and mandates within the World Congress system, has led to “institutional malaise," for though “the Security Council is well-equipped to enforce norms, particularly though punitive acts which only it can legally undertake (Appendix III), [it is] less well-equipped to promote norm adoption through peaceful means.” In other words, while the SC is experienced and able when it comes to military interventions in order to enforce certain norms (and the overwhelming majority of Security Council Resolutions affirms this), it has much less institutional expertise or organization when it comes to other dimensions of norm promotion, such as through developmental programs, aid agencies, legal bodies, etc. Despite past efforts, these areas of the World Congress system remain under- or entirely undeveloped.

Demartino concludes her book by arguing that, on the basis of automatic state membership in the World Congress, the World Congress system represents a uniquely universal terrain for legal contestation, diplomacy, and the overall advancement of global governance in a way which represents and respects the sovereignty and views of all the recognized nations of the world, and to which they are all equally accountable. What provides international law any means or mechanism for enforcement is the unique legal character of the Security Council, however the Security Council is primarily equipped for authorizing punitive actions, rather than resolving disputes through alternative and/or peaceful mechanisms. Demartino suggests that further reform, particularly as it relates to the development of the International Court of Justice, should focus on expanding alternative avenues for dispute resolution, and generally in promoting and enforcing international standards.

Notable Quotations: N/A

Appendix (OOC: references originally linked to are included in full here since they were on the PT Classic server):

I. Security Council Resolution 100: Declaration of Natural Human Rights

Recognizing that human rights should be promoted through cooperation and consensus, and not through confrontation and and the imposition of incompatible values, traditions, and cultures,Declaration of Natural Human Rights

Recognizing the diversity and richness of cultures and traditions in Terra,

Welcoming the preservation of these diverse cultures and traditions in every Terran nation,

Reaffirming our commitment to the Guiding Principles of the World Congress,

Recalling the Guiding Principles of the World Congress' affirmation of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of nations,

Also Recalling the Guiding Principles of the World Congress' affirmation of non-interference in the internal affairs of states,


Emphasizing the linkage and indivisibility of economic, social, cultural, civil and political rights,

Noting that all nations have the inherent right to development in a way that integrates and balances human rights with their individual circumstances,

Further Emphasizing that work toward the creation of uniform human rights norms must take into account the diversity and richness of cultures and traditions,

Convinced that development can lead to greater enjoyment and protection of human rights, as well as democracy,

Stressing the importance of education and training in human rights with respect to diverse and rich cultures and traditions at the international, national, and regional levels and the need for international cooperation to address these issues,

Mandates the following:

1. The World Congress recommits itself to Security Council Resolution 88: Guiding Principles of the World Congress and previous human rights resolutions;

2. Nations have the sovereign right to develop in any way they choose, which will allow them to enjoy and protect human rights, so long as they do not violate the sovereignty of other nations;

3. All nations must endeavor to respect one another and seek to address one another in a positive and non-confrontational manner;

4. Development assistance vital to the health of the nation that uses human rights as a conditionality should be discouraged;

5. National sovereignty and territorial integrity must be upheld, as well as non-interference in the internal affairs of states, and the non-use of human rights as an instrument of political pressure;

6. All countries have the right to determine their political systems, freely control and use their resources, and freely pursue their cultural, social, and economic development;

7. The World Congress recognizes that human rights cannot be applied in a way that is politicized or contains double-standards, and that no violation is justified for any nation;

8. Human rights must be informed by the various, diverse, and rich historical, cultural, traditional, and religious backgrounds and societies of states, as well as their economic conditions, and identified on the basis of international cooperation which can often be a dynamic and evolving process;

9. Human rights include economic, social, cultural, civil, and political rights with equal emphasis to all categories;

10. It is important for human rights to be guaranteed for vulnerable groups, including but not limited to ethnic, national, racial, religious, linguistic, social, and other minorities; migrant workers, persons with disabilities, indigenous peoples, refugees, persons who are displaced, persons below the poverty line, and women;

11. All peoples have the right to a government that is democratic, humane, and benevolent;

12. All peoples have the right to be treated equally under the law, no matter their station or condition in life;

13. All peoples have the right to freedom of conscience, thought, and religion;

14. All peoples have the right to life and safety;

15. All peoples have the right to property so long as it does not violate a person's right to life and safety;

16. All peoples have the right to freedom of speech and expression;

17. All peoples have the right to choose to do good and live the good life;

18. The elderly have the right to be supported by their children;

19. All peoples have the right to an education;

20. All peoples have the right to be treated with dignity and respect (what one does not want done unto themselves should not do unto others).

Yes: Yingdala; Likatonia; Vascania; Hutori; Jakania; Endralon; Dorvik
No:
Abstain: Telamon

(OOC: Originally written by Liu Che, published on Jul 25, 2020)

II. Security Council Resolution 103: Condemnation of Anti-Religion Bigotry

Appreciating that the freedom to practice one's own religion is vital to the functioning of a free society and the preservation of free speech,

Noting the unacceptability of anti-religious bigotry, as a form of inter-communal hatred and unnecessary division,

Agreeing that it is unbecoming and unjust for any government to enforce a ban on religious groupings that otherwise abide by the nation's legal system,

Recognising the recent enforcement of anti-religious laws in Kundrati, banning all forms of religion:

The Security Council must CONDEMN all forms of anti-religious bigotry and enforce diplomatic sanctions on the nations currently implementing legislation banning the practise of any and all religious beliefs. These sanctions are to be lifted on the condition of re-implementing the rights of citizens to practise religion.

Yes: Dorvik; Istalia; Telamon; Vascania
No:
Abstain: Valruzia

(OOC: Originally written by Pragma, published on Nov 05, 2020).

III. Security Council Resolution 110: Ban on Armed Conflict Between States

The Security Council,

Recalling that the World Congress was founded in order to bring about a more peaceful world,

Recognising that war and conflict of all kinds bring destruction and devastation whenever they take place,

Reaffirming the Guiding Principles of the World Congress enshrined in Security Council Resolution 88,

Prohibits all armed conflict between members of the World Congress except in cases of national self-defence;

Includes in this provision a prohibition on the threat of armed conflict being used for diplomatic purposes;

Provides for specific exceptions to this resolution with the explicit approval of the Security Council;

Mandates that special restrictions are placed on the Security Council in offering approval for such exceptions;

Decrees that these restrictions include the existence of a legitimate cause for war;

Decrees further that the decision of the Security Council must be unanimous, without a single objection from any member.

Yes: Liore; Selucia; Aldegar; Dankuk; Dorvik
No:
Abstain:

(OOC: Originally written by Jamescfm, published on Jan 15, 2021).

IV. Security Council Resolution 114: Prohibition of Forced Marriage

The Security Council,

Recognising that many people across the globe are forced into marriage against their will and without consent,

Affirming that forced marriage constitutes a violation of natural human rights as outlined in Security Council Resolution 100,

Understanding that forced marriage is a human rights issue that disproportionately impacts women and girls;

Resolves that forced marriage shall be prohibited for all World Congress member states;

Holds that all member states should take action against those who violate this prohibition, through diplomatic and economic means;

Directs the World Congress Human Rights Office to support member states in efforts to confront and eradicate forced marriage.

Yes: Aldegar; Dankuk; Endralon; Liore
No:
Abstain: Selucia

(OOC: Originally written by Jamescfm, published on Feb 15, 2021).

V. Security Council Resolution 88: Guiding Principles of the World Congress

RECALLING that the World Congress was established to serve as a body where nations could resolve their disputes peacefully;

KNOWING that the World Congress works best when it addresses global issues likes climate change, terrorism, and international crime, among others;

BELIEVING that every state in Terra is sovereign;

ESTABLISHES the following principles that guide the workings of the World Congress and its member states:

1. All states in Terra are sovereign and their territorial integrity must be maintained.

2. The World Congress shall not intervene in the affairs of other states on matters that do not concern international peace and security.

3. All states in Terra shall maintain a status of non-aggression toward one another and refrain from using the threat or use of force against another state in ways that are inconsistent with the purpose of the World Congress.

4. All states in Terra must refrain from interfering in one another's internal affairs.

5. The World Congress shall not intervene on areas considered to be part of the domestic jurisdiction of other states.

6. All states in Terra are equal and should endeavor to develop mutually beneficial relations with other states and discard the notion of a zero-sum game.

7. All states in Terra, regardless of regime type or government system, must seek to coexist peacefully.

Yes: Yingdala
No:
Abstain: Dorvik; Istalia; Hutori; Kazulia; Lourenne; Luthori; Vanuku

---

Originally posted by Wu Han on Jan 31, 2024.

[Wu Han]

Title: In Search of Human Rights
Author(s): Demartino, Alessia

Published: Harat: University of Harat Press
Year: 5405
Language(s): Gziri (original); multiple translations.
Physical Details: 354 p.
Subjects: Non-fiction; political theory; international law.
Wiki Page: N/A.

Summary: In their book In Search of Human Rights (5405), Cildanian political scientist and international legal scholar Alessia Demartino argues that "human rights" remain a normative concept with a deeply contested meaning, and unclear or unequal application within the institutions of international politics, and in global politics writ large.

Demartino begins the book by recounting the famous exchange of letters (Appendix I) between Sekowan lay Daenist leader Okuno Kayoko and Human Rights Foundation Secretary-General Ibezimako Nkemdilim. In this exchange, Okuno asks Nkemdilim to locate what his organization considers the basis for essential human rights in law. Nkemdilim cites the Declaration of Natural Human Rights (SC R100) as the “most significant statement of global rights,” though it has notable flaws, including its “restrictive language regarding the… promotion of human rights abroad” and the “marginal” commitment of the World Congress and its constituent bodies/agencies in the “improvement in the state of international human rights.”

Demartino picks up from this exchange, agreeing with Nkemdilim that while the Declaration remains the core and foundational document underlying the norm of human rights, it is lacking in many ways, such as its overemphasis on state responsibilities and the relations between states; Demartino argues that the Declaration prioritizes the sovereignty and integrity of states over promoting and protecting the rights of human beings. Demartino asks: “what human rights-based claim can a stateless individual make, to whom, in view of the Declaration?”

In the text, Demartino further contends that the Declaration provides little by way of enshrining a right to the material needs of human beings to actualize the rights they have been granted elsewhere in the document. Moreover, the Declaration fails to incorporate and reiterate other important liberal international norms guiding human rights, such as the prohibition of slavery and racial segregation. Here, Demartino suggests that it may be more constructive and efficient to develop norms and international human rights law "from the bottom up" through treaties, rather than depending solely on the Security Council; the Security Council can then adopt the norms and standards developed through such agreements and conventions, as it has in SC R109 (Appendix II), which "Proclaims the Law of the Sea as jus cogens, peremptory norm that is applicable erga omnes, to all states, whether they are party to the treaty or not." To this end, Demartino highlights agreements such as the Convention on the Humane Treatment of Prisoners of War and the Global Emancipation Treaty as representative examples of treaties which have enshrined certain international legal norms related to human rights within the body of customary international law, instead of relying on the "top-down" approach of Security Council Resolutions.

Reiterating an argument made in her earlier book Constructing International Law (5402), Demartino suggests that an important issue for the Security Council to resolve is the extent to which certain resolutions may be binding, while others may be non-binding. Examining the area of human rights and human rights enforcement is informative to this end, for while the Declaration is non-binding, the norm of human rights have been routinely invoked to legitimize Security Council enforcement actions, such an interventions and/or sanctions.

“The Security Council has an important monopoly in the international legal apparatus, in that it is the sole institution which has legal authority to determine the legitimacy or illegitimacy of military intervention,” writes Demartino. “Thus, it would seem that the distinction between non-binding and binding SC resolutions depends strictly on the politics and capacities of the powers elected to the Security Council; all resolutions have the latent capacity to be binding, if the political determination to enforce them is present amongst the Security Council majority.”

Notable Quotations: N/A

Appendix (OOC: references originally linked to are included in full here since they were on the PT Classic server):

I. Letter exchange between Okuno Kayoko and the Secretary-General of the Human Rights Foundation Ibezimako Nkemdilim.

Letter from Ms. Okuno Kayoko and Dr. Sonoda Saburo of Seko to the Secretary-General of the Human Rights Foundation Mr. Ibezimako Nkemdilim,
1 June 4848:

Dear Secretary-General Nkemdilim,

For over 700 years, the Human Rights Foundation has stood at the vanguard of the struggle to advance justice, freedom, truth and dignity for all peoples throughout Terra. In recognition of this profound living legacy, we are writing to ascertain the Foundation’s interpretation of international human rights law (IHRL) at the present moment. We would be most honoured to receive guidance with respect to the questions posed below:

(A) Former HRF Secretary-General Stefan Zeltser once explained that the International Declaration of Human Rights “was the basis for what constituted essential human rights.” Given that this declaration has been lost to history, what currently constitutes the basis for essential human rights?

(B) How should the Declaration of Natural Human Rights (SC R100) be interpreted within the scope of international human rights law? What other legal precedents, if any, are relevant?

(C) What is the role of the World Congress in legislating international human rights law? What are the consequences of recognizing the World Congress as a body imbued with the authority to legislate international law?

We thank you for your consideration and time.

Best wishes in solidarity,

Ms. Okuno Kayoko, BA, MA, LLB.
Chairwoman of the Hasu Gakkai
President of the Sekowan Association for Human Rights

Dr. Sonoda Saburo, LLB, LLM, SJD, PhD.
Dean of the Ito Makiko Law School (Nago National University)
Research Chair in International and Transnational Legal Studies

(OOC: Originally written by Wu Han, Nov 22, 2020)

Response from Secretary-General Ibezimako Nkemdilim:

Ms. Okuno and Dr. Sonoda,

Thank you for your letter and for your commitment to the cause of international justice and human rights. The role of the Human Rights Foundation is important in the context of global justice and rights issues but it is sustained only with the support of partner organisations and individuals throughout the world like yourselves.

Attempting to strengthen international human rights law is a key objective of the Human Rights Foundation (as I am sure you are both aware). Recent years have proven frustrating on this front, as the international community has largely fractured and human rights issues have been challenged primarily at the national level or by non-governmental organisations, rather than by states applying pressure to those who fail in their duty to provide freedom and justice for their citizens.

With respect to your specific questions, the principles that were foundational to the International Declaration of Human Rights remain the guiding principles of the Human Rights Foundation. No codified statement of these principles and associated rights exists within the international sphere since the abrogation of that document and it is an important aim of the Foundation to pursue the creation of such a document, which might serve as a focus for our campaigning efforts.

In the current legal context Security Council Resolution 100 is the most significant statement of global rights and you are right to highlight it. Leaving aside the lack of enforcement of its provisions, the broad agreement on the principles that it laid out remains a positive symbol of the potential for international co-operation regarding human rights. In spite of this we cannot say that the resolution is perfect and the restrictive language regarding the use of promotion of human rights abroad is particularly problematic.

Outside of this there are a number of international treaties that outline states' duties with respect to the fundamental rights of citizens that are only partially enforced. Nonetheless many of these treaties have served an important function in providing a focus for the work of human rights campaigns as well as shaping subsequent international agreements. Consider the Declaration on the Rights of Disabled Persons for a key example of such an agreement.

A matter of persistent concern in the sphere of international human rights is the approach that organisations should take to the role of the World Congress. On the face of it the World Congress represents a genuine miracle in international relations, in that it has managed to convene representatives of every country on the globe in the same room consistently for centuries. At the same time there has been only marginal improvement in the state of international human rights in that period.

In recent times there have been positive developments in the World Congress, such as the inclusion of all of the countries of Dovani, Temania and Vascania and the abolition of the permanent members. Even so the Security Council in particular has been slow to take action in many instances of rights abuse and the action that it does take tends to be motivated by political and economic self-interest and not global justice. From the perspective of the Foundation, we continue to work with the World Congress in certain capacities and hope that it will continue to take positive steps, however it will not move forward the agenda of human rights alone.

I hope this response shines some light on the work of the Human Rights Foundation and its perspective on international human rights law.

Regards,

Mr. Ibezimako Nkemdilim
Secretary-General of the Human Rights Foundation

(OOC: Originally written by Jamescfm, Nov 26, 2020)

II. Security Council Resolution 109: International Maritime Law

The Security Council,

Recognizing the importance of maritime trade for global peace and prosperity,

Affirming the impossibility of any nation to claim the high seas or any part thereof as its national territory,

Condemning the vile practices of piracy and slavery,

Recognizing the existence of admiralty law as a part of customary international law,

Proclaims the Law of the Sea as jus cogens, peremptory norm that is applicable erga omnes, to all states, whether they are party to the treaty or not,

Declares all bodies of water not included in the Territorial waters or Exclusive Economic Zone as the High Seas, and proclaims that all vessels sailing the High Seas are under the jurisdiction and protection of their flag state,

Proclaims the High Seas the common patrimony of all humanity and all nations,

Asserts that pirates and slavers, by engaging in private war against all nations or by trafficking slaves on the High Seas, render themselves hostes humani generis, enemies of the human race, and holds that all nations have the right and the duty to capture, try, and, if their laws permit it, execute any pirate and slaver they come across,

Recognizes the ancient custom of privateering and proclaims it distinct from piracy, recognizing that privateers are at war with only one nation, not all nations.

Yes: Selucia; Aldegar; Liore; Dorvik
No:
Abstain: Dankuk

(OOC: Originally written by Polites, published on Jan 12, 2021).

---

Originally posted by Wu Han on Jan 31, 2024.