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#41
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Reexamining Our Collective Identity for the Historical and Contemporary Continuity of the Nation of Davostag
Text by Greta Greger, posthumously published by the Davostager Academy
12 November 5661 | Kivonia, Davostag 
 
There exists in the far-north a country of great historical significance to its region, a country whose nation had long been forgotten, suppressed even, to the whims and wishes of political and ideological statehoods in the quest for ultimate power at the expense of the natural desire for spiritual connection with your fellow countryman. Davostag is the name of this country, and at last we can all feel the spirit within us that calls for the defense of its nation, thanks to the great heroes who made this a reality, who developed our country towards the 55th century, a period that saw the revival of a proper and true Davostager nation-state.
 
The question that comes into mind when thinking about Davostag as a nation and specifically on the idea of having a revived nation is: "What is the nation of Davostag truly?" This question has been the subject of debate and conflict ever since the fall of the Empire of Davostag in 2714. After that point, the country was fiercely contested by ideology-driven forces against the cultist religious power that was the Satanilists. The latter, while highly flawed in its perception of humanity and life, preserved the idea of the Davostager nation; defended it against foreign-minded parties and individuals hoping to make Davostag simply another international economic zone devoid of actual purpose, but of course, the Satanilists also twisted the idea of Davostag into their own religious perversion. Nonetheless, this battle between Satanilic Davostag and Luthorianized Davostag continued until the point of the 4590s. While the Satanilists were mostly dominated by ethnic Davostanis (Skrigere-speaking Davostagers) as opposed to the ethnic Kivonians (Befäska-speaking Davostagers), it was not ethnic nationalism that drove their quest for preserving a unique Davostager nation-state, but rather a cultural one – and it is this cultural nationalism that is to persist against movements either promoting ethnic or political constructs.
 
The 4590s saw the rise of Kivonian nationalists in the form of the National Salvation Military Council led by August Reinhardt, establishing a Kivonian-led regime, the Kivonian Republic. The purpose of this government was to bring about a new national renaissance, this time led by the militaristic Kivonians rather than the Satanilic Davostanis. Kivonian liberal values, clad in nationalistic veils, permeated society and was allowed to take a greater place within the broader Davostager culture. It was a time where the Kivonians were allowed to participate in Davostag, though alone, while the Davostanis remained on the sidelines, as it had been in reverse so many times during the Satanilic regimes. Kivonian-led governments continued with brief interruptions from either short-lived Satanilists or Luthorianized ideologues. Eventually culminating in the Third Kivonian Republic, a declared stratocratic republic, led by the Kivonian National Salvation Party and general Augustin Volkhardt. The Third Republic clashed with their deposed previous government who had taken refuge and power in Telamon, igniting the Macon War, pushing Hutori into it and devastating the continent. The Third Republic was defeated and Davostag placed under Hutori occupation in 4779. In retrospect, as much one might loath war, the period between the 4590s and the beginning of the 4780s, was extremely positive in the development of the nation of Davostag. It allowed for the ethnic elements, previously repressed, to vent their frustrations onto the country and the world, achieving success, making failures, but most importantly, learning.
 
Political figures who survived the Macon War and lived through the occupation came to the conclusion that Davostag needs to change in fundamental ways, it needs to develop itself as itself, it needs to accept the reality that Davostag as a country is not just bi-ethnic but multi-ethnic. These are to be known as the Unionists. On that conclusion the Davostag Revolution broke out in the 4790s, driven by Unionists believing that only through revolutionary action can Davostag change itself. The revolution ended with the establishment of the Union of Davostan and Kivonia. The UDK was very important to the development of the Davostager nation and is regarded highly even today. But it regressed in certain parts. It hoped to only take certain parts of Davostag's history prior to the 4590s and Kivonian Republic, while basing much of its identity post-4590s. Instead of referring to Davostagers as Davostagers, they were referred to as Unionites. A great deal of emphasis was placed on the ethnic differences rather than highlighting the actual cultural unity. But despite these mistakes, the UDK prospered, it gained momentum in international and regional affairs, and developed economically and militarily.
 
The UDK eventually stagnated and was replaced by the Luthorianized United Kingdoms of Davostan and Kivonia. The founding unionist philosophy remained in the United Kingdoms and the brief interregnum with the 'Union of the North', thus national progress remained stagnating. This post-UDK period reigned between the 5070s until the 5330s. That was the moment. The 5330s was the showdown that would ultimately decide the fate of Davostag as a country and whether it would actually be able to form its own nation. The 5310s and 5320s saw the rise of nationalist sentiments, but not the historical kinds, that is the Kivonian or Davostani nationalist or the Unionist-nationalists. But what is today referred to as revivalist nationalism. This emphasized the historical cultural unity of the Davostagers as a single nation, first perceived with the Independent Davostag Republic of 2022 and the later Imperial Davostag Republic of 2610. The revivalists viewed the Satanilic eras as periods of great difficulty, but where the Satanilists carried the national idea like a vulnerable seed, which was to be planted with the Kivonian Republic and grew with its successor states and governments up to this point. 
 
The then pro-Daviostani government implemented failed policies that resulted in Kivonian-controlled military units rebelling and protesters demonstrating across the country. The Federalist government, named after their goal of preserving the post-Unionist status quo with an emphasis on Davostani interests, clashed with the rebel Centralists, named after the Kivonian tradition of favoring a highly centralized government. This Davostag Civil War began and the two sides engaged in heavy fighting. In the midst of the conflict, some of the pro-government Army units along with the majority of the Navy and Air Force rebelled against both sides; having been highly sympathetic to the revivalist nationalism that had gradually taken hold on several parts of society, they were named the Nationalists. The war lasted for only three years, with the Nationalists gaining the upper hand and crushing the other two. They created the Davostager State, a one-party military dictatorship, sometimes referred retrospectively as the Nationalistdiktaturen ("Nationalist Dictatorship"). The nationalist regime implemented several needed national and cultural reforms, spreading Davostager nationalism in the revivalist form throughout the country. One might suggest that this would have been the finalization of the national project in Davostag, but this is simply not true. The dictatorship, while necessary for guiding the project toward the finish line, presented a rather unstable form of government that would be unable to represent the true Davostager nation in political affairs and maintain general development and progress. The last hurdle would be the post-dictatorship period.
 
The Nationalist dictatorship ended in 5350, with the ruling party, the 'Davostagian Unity Gathering' (DES), having already seen the rise of two internal factions, a nationalist one and a liberal one, parted ways into the National Gathering (NS) and the Liberal Democratic Union (LDU) respectively. The post-dictatorship democratic state, the Kingdom of Davostag, was dominated by the popular support for NS. This party maintained the revivalist tradition but still began to regress, moving toward a more conservative stance. This democratic period was put on trial with the turn of the century of the 5400s with the rise of the Front Thing for National Revival (FTNV), which led a paramilitary guerilla campaign against the government. The FTNV's goal was simple: to complete the national project with the establishment of a Davostag Republic. The paramilitary campaign continued until the 5420s, when agreements were reached and reconciliation was completed between the FTNV and NS. Many former FTNV members rose through the ranks of NS and eventually were able to push through the establishment of their republic in 5436. In the decades that followed, the LDU, which had governed since the 5420s, collapsed and the NS remained the dominant power in Davostag; with rikspresident Julia Neusohn, former FTNV leader, leading the charge to have the national project reach its completion, which Davostager historians today agree she essentially did. The National Gathering continued until 5527, when it was reorganized into the current National Electoral Union (NVU).
 
This historical summary is vital to our understanding of what makes us Davostagers and a nation. It is not our historically perceived ethnic division, or cultural subdivision or linguistic differences. It is by recognising that we are these things but only as parts of a greater body. What would Kivonians or Davostanis be without Davostag? Today when people self-identify, they refer to themselves as Davostagers. When asked what kind of Davostager, they will answer either Befäska-speaking or Skrigere-speaking. And when they absolutely must, they will mention that they are of a Kivonian or Davostani lineage. Today linguistics are a character of community, ethnicity a marker of history, while culture is their form of identity. And that culture is the Davostager culture. It is what makes us, us. History, ethnicity and linguistics are just smaller parts of it. Of course, at the end of the day, the different groups provide their own characters to the unified culture, like the Kivonians provide warrior tradition and the Davostanis spiritual community.
 
But I would like to add something to this. Reexamining the Kivonian period, we essentially gloss over some important parts. It is viewed with this idea of the Befäska-speakers taking control of the state, but while it is true to some extent, it is more complicated. Many Befäska-speakers, especially historically speaking, have not simply belonged to the ethnic Kivonian community, but also to the minority Skjöld and Dorvish. The minority Hutorians, however, have mostly connected with the Davostanis due to geographic reasons. Many great Kivonian statesmen and politicians and leaders had ancestry within the Skjöld and Dorvish minority communities. For example, the Kivonian clan of Reinhardt, while fiercely Kivonian nationalistic had strong ties with the Dorvish community, while the Kivonian House of Ashé-Rivières, though internationally connected, had strong ties to the Skjöld community. So to relegate the history of Davostag to solely the Kivonians and Davostanis is essentially wrong, as many Davostagers throughout history have belonged to or have been connected to almost essentially all of the ethnic groups in Davostag. Now the traditional view held since the civil war has been that ethnic Davostagers are exclusively Kivonians and Davostanis, I challenge this by instead removing the specifics of the ethnic question in the Davostager national identity, which bases itself more on the histories of Davostag and from there the unique Davostager culture. I, together with others on the subject, have come to the realization that Davostag is widely unique in its nationhood. It has one unified culture that sees no ethnic boundaries, and this culture has essentially shaped the peoples within Davostag in their image, despite smaller subdivisions. And these peoples have a common denominator that one has failed to see but which makes sense in terms of why the country has remained as one for so long: Dunicism.
 
There are five major ethnic groups in Davostag. The Kivonians, Davostanis, Skjöld, Hutorian and Dorvish people. Two of these are more dominant than the others, but the numbers have of course fluctuated throughout history. While there might be cultural subdivisions in these communities, they have remained consistent in their upholding and belonging to the Davostager culture. Their main differences are actually only linguistically and even that is shared by a common Dunic heritage. The post-4590 period up until the 5330s had a large focus on the ethnic parts of their identities, but that as well falls short in the bigger picture of Davostager history. Their ethnicities are basically also connected through a Dunic heritage. Hence what this makes Davostag is a country with a unified Davostager culture, composed of peoples with shared Dunic ethnic and linguistic attributes. Instead of seeing Davostag as the shared land of the Kivonians and Davostanis, what it is and what it basically has always been, is the first instance of a pan-Dunic state formed and molded into its own unique nation. It is not the ethnic differences that creates the characteristics of the Davostagers, as those are just smaller parts of the larger Dunic-Davostager ethnic identity, it is the fact that these ethnic parts have been able to formulate for themselves as a common and shared culture. This is Davostag: the nation of the Makon-based Dunic peoples.
 
Now this reexamining of our national and ethnic identity might cause a larger question mark. What about Hutori and Telamon? They are as Dunic as the Davostagers. It is perhaps a very vital question that I will kind of leave open ended. But I will provide two solutions to this question. One is that what makes Davostag different from its continental neighbors in the idea of a pan-Dunic nation-state, is that Davostag does not present itself as a pan-Dunic nation-state nor should it do so; instead it should and already does present itself as uniquely Davostager in culture, which makes it difficult for Hutorians in Hutori or Skjölds in Telamon to join and become part of Davostag, as similarity in an ethnic sense is hindered by the cultural differences. For example, it would not work well if Davostager Kivonians and Davostanis joined together with their linguistic counterparts in Kazulia or vice versa, as the cultural and historical divide is too wide. But the second solution is that it might not be a problem, perhaps by speaking from a hypothetical jingoistic position, Davostag represents what the Dunic peoples of Macon should strive toward. That the unification and removal of our Dunic ethnic divides under the Davostager nation and culture could be the future meant for Macon. Perhaps the second solution is just an extension of the first. 
 
It is with these kinds of discussions and reexaminations that allows for the continuing development of our nation and people. It is through these that we gather as one, no longer fighting ourselves for the sake of fighting and power, but focusing on our well-being and turning our eyes beyond the borders of Davostag and the waters of Macon.
 
Academic piece written by Greta Greger, expanded upon by Götilda Riddercrantz, Vilhelm Reuterschiöld and Elsa Sterner.
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#42
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Riksdag Committee of Culture Has Approved Motion to Restore Historical Names Throughout the Country
15 November 5661 | Kivonia, Davostag
 
Historical curiosity has been on a steady rise throughout many parts of Davostag, specifically curiosity on the old imperial period and the Kivonian period. This has resulted in various cultural organizations, both small and large, forming around preservation, research and more importantly restoration. Many point out that one of the key issues Julia Neusohn (president between 5442–5446, 5448–5467) sought to solve was the restoration of historical names of cities, towns, villages, regions, streets, etc. However, due to the Kirlawan Conflict and a focus on economic issues, led her to postpone such arrangements. And with that historical restorationism was overlooked. But as figures such as Greta Greger and others have brought vitality into the national idea for a few decades now, the idea to restore the long lost names of history has become more popular these days. For example, during the now condemned Republic of Davostan and subsequent Federation of Davostan-Kivonia, a naming reform took place to "democratize" and get rid of centuries-old names of cities and regions. With the rise of the Third Republic, some older names such as Fort Reinhardt, Vermillion and Saint Erwinsburg were restored, while newer Kivonianized names were given to other places.
 
The Riksdag Committee of Culture was tasked by premier Riddercrantz in 5656 to begin investigating the issue and see if there is substantial support for changing some names across the country. Now as the Committee has brought a list of names, revised to fit modern linguistics, with local support, the State Council has approved of the list and the Committee has voted on it to be implemented next month. The reason for why the entire Riksdag was not tasked with voting it through is because they only meet twice a year, delegating legislative authority to the parliamentary committees instead.
 
These names are as following:
 
– Län (counties):
Långsund Län ---> Sellend Län (Note: Taken from the old name for the city of Långstad, Fort St. Celendius, located in Långsund.)
Fladmark Län ---> Varratå Län (Note: Taken from the old name for the city of Fladborg, Varrato, located in Fladmark.)
Lagfast Län ---> Desara Län (Note: Taken from the old name for the city of Vermillion, Desharyy, located in Lagfast.)
Nyberg Län ---> Darland Län (Note: Taken from the old name for the city of Nyberg, Daurin, located in Nyberg Län, the name of the island of Nyberg is also changed to Darland.)
Møllerfors Län ---> Sensara Län (Note: Taken from the old name for the city of Saint Erwinsburg, Zenesharyy, located in Møllerfors.)
 
– Städer (cities):
Engelshøj ---> Joensvik (Note: Taken from the old name for the city of Engelshøj, St. John.)
Knivby ---> Tullgansa (Note: Taken from the old name for the city of Knivby, Tulganzar.)
Ballenhus ---> Korkallen (Note: Taken from the old name for the city of Ballenhus, Qorqal.)
 
The Committee has ruled in its motion that härader (municipalities) are allowed, under the supervision of the Committee of Culture, to rename streets and squares to fit into revivalist themes until March 5665. After which citizen initiatives need to be petitioned to the Häradsting (municipal councils) and approved by the Riksdag Committee of Culture. One example of a street renaming, is one of the most central streets in the city of Fort Reinhardt, previously known as Borglångvägen, and now known as Temkalavägen. Named after the old name for the city, Temirqal, and on an even more historic note after the Battle of Temirqal, the aftermath of which made the government change the city's name after August Reinhardt in his honor of victory.
 
News report written by Sam Oliversson.
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#43
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Government Agencies in Agreement to Revitalize the Long-Dormant Automobile Industry
9 September 5663 | Kivonia, Davostag
  
For a quick historical summary. There were attempts during the 48th century to establish an independent auto manufacturing industry in the country, with a car-company originally named Riksvagnen ("National wagon") and later dubbed by its now more famous and popular name Davostar, that went beyond simply car manufacturing. It was seen as a pioneering national project for Davostag, but would eventually falter due to economic turmoil and a reshifting on usual military focuses. It had developed several innovative prototypes, especially in aerodynamics and safety, but never mass-produced beyond limited runs. The importance of Davostar was seen by a lot of people in achieving a sense of economic sovereignty, with its iconic models having remained cherished as symbols of national ingenuity and resilience. For example, several of the classic cars are collector's items and have earned a place within pop culture references.
 
This leads us to today, where what has been reported as a long-held meeting between representatives from the Ministry of Industry, the Ministry of Transport and Infrastructure, the Ministry of Commerce, the Ministry of Corporative Affairs, the National Development Commission, and the Riksdag Committee on Industry and Trade, has resulted in a draft for a plan that has been agreed upon that would see the revitalization of the long-dormant automobile industry in Davostag in a process to be implemented for a ten year period. The reason for this sudden interest in reviving this industry is the same as the original reason once was: economic independence and a push for this project to become a flagship industry in order to showcase Davostag's technological prowess. According to one source, it all essentially comes down to a matter of national pride.
 
News report written by Jonas Oliversson.
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#44
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The Government Proceeds with Revitalization Efforts Through the NADC
12 March 5664 | Kivonia, Davostag (backdated)
 
It has been roughly six months since the Government announced a program to revitalize the national automobile industry, and the activity of the past two and a half months shows the initiative is proceeding steadily, with officials reiterating the stated ten-year ambition. According to public sources, the investment is intended to spur long-term economic growth, reduce structural unemployment and inspire national pride for decades to come.
 
In early January, the Ministry of Industry, the National Development Commission and the National Electoral Union's (NVU) economic committee issued an executive decree establishing the 'National Automotive Development Council' (NADC). The NADC is a corporative organ under the Ministry of Industry tasked with drafting a national automotive roadmap covering research and development (R&D) priorities, production targets, export strategy and technical standards. The Council's 25 seats have been allocated to so-called government planners from the Ministry of Finance, the Ministry of Transport and Infrastructure, the Ministry of Defence, the State Defence Industry Agency, the Ministry of Corporative Affairs, and the National Development Commission, as well as representatives of private manufacturers and industrial conglomerates, labour syndicates within engineering, metalworking, transport and electronics, and finally members of scientific and technical associations for innovation oversight. The two co-chairs of the NADC is the Minister of Industry, Oliver Hernman, and the chairman of the NVU's economic committee, Linus Bard.
 
In February the NADC launched the Davostar Revival Program, with the Government formally acquiring Davostar's intellectual property, patents and dormant designs from private holders, which is a step officials say would "remove legal barriers to a coordinated restart". The NADC has also announced immediate first-phase targets for the publication of a national roadmap within 90 days; a feasibility study for the Davostar Innovation Center in 120 days; and selection of candidate sites for the first production plant within six months. The Council has been authorised to open a public–private investment pool to finance initial works.
 
To ensure labour participation from the start, state-sanctioned syndicates, within the larger corporative state structures, will hold seats on the NADC as well as the Government having committed to an initial cohort of 1,000 scholarships and 2,500 apprenticeships over the coming three years for automotive engineering, metalwork and electronics. Pilot procurement agreements will see limited run vehicles supplied to police patrols, the postal service and selected municipal fleets for field testing.
 
Minister of Industry, Oliver Hernman:
Quote:"We are rebuilding an industry that belongs to Davostag, and it is done through the cooperation of worker, enterprise and state. This programme will not only secure jobs and develop new skills but it will also put Davostager engineering back on the map".
 
Union Representative, Tomas Eriksson:
Quote:"The Syndicate ("Landets Arbetarsyndikat", LAS) welcomes a seat at the table. Our priority is stable employment, fair training and safe workplaces, and the Government's early commitments on apprenticeships are a welcomed start".
 
Over the coming weeks the NADC will publish its membership list, open calls for proposals from industrial consortiums, and announce the date of its first public meeting.
 
News report written by Jonas Oliversson.
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#45
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Scholarship and Apprenticeship Drive Draws Thousands of Applicants
14 June 5664 | Kivonia, Davostag
 
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One of the application queues across the country, in Fort Reinhardt.
 
As a consequence of the Government's flagship automotive training initiative, the Ministry of Corporative Affairs have reported that over approximately 12,000 applicants are now competing for just 3,500 of the available places in the program's inaugural intake. Officials described the response as "beyond all expectations" and that it was a sign of "immense public enthusiasm" for the revival of the Davostager automobile industry.
 
The initiative, which has been formally branded as the 'National Automotive Skills Initiative' (NASI), was announced last month by the National Automobile Development Council (NADC) as part of the first phase in the Government's ten-year plan to rebuild the country's long-dormant car manufacturing sector. The initiative offers 1,000 fully-funded university scholarships in automotive engineering, industrial design, and other related fields; as well as 2,500 apprenticeship placements in skilled industrial trades, that includes metalworking, machining, electronics, and vehicle assembly. According to the Ministry of Industry, the scholarships will be distributed among universities and higher technical institutes in major cities, while the apprenticeships will be coordinated through corporative training centres in partnership with state-sanctioned labour syndicates. According to official reports, the first group of students and apprentices is expected to begin training in autumn.
 
Interest in the program has been strong nationwide, particularly in the city of Fort Reinhardt, where the queue to the Reinhardt Technical College for application interviews stretched around the block. One of the queuers, the 19-year old Erik Norsted, who had travelled from his home in the rural district of Vassholm outside the city in order to submit his forms in person stated, "I want to be part of something that will last my whole career. It's not every day you get the chance to help build an industry from the ground up." The Government has made it clear that the training initiative is not only about skills, but also about embedding the principles of the corporativist economic model into the very fabric of the sector, as well as to remind of its efficiency and purpose to bring about national unity across the country. Apprentices are to undergo not only technical training but also to extensively learn about workplace organization, safety standards, and the role of professional syndicates and the state corporatives in the national economy.
 
Speaking at a press conference, the Minister of Corporative Affairs, Jorunn Dalvik, praised the strong response from the public by stating that this only proves of the great talent and ambition that exists in the Davostager workforce, as well as how it reflects the shared understanding that the revival of the industry is not simply a short-term project but instead a "generational effort" that will require "discipline, cooperation, and dedication". She hinted at the possibility of expanding the program in future intakes, noting that several industrial conglomerates participating in the NADC had expressed interest in directly funding additional scholarship and apprenticeships. She said, "We are exploring processes for public-private co-financing that would allow us to scale this entire development to another level without delay."
 
For the labour syndicates, which falls under the state's formal organising structure of the Arbetarkorporativ ("Labour Corporative"), the program represents both an opportunity and responsibility. A senior delegate of the Ingenjörsförbundet ("Engineering Union"), which belongs to Landets Arbetarsyndikat ("National Workers' Syndicate"), as well as chair of the NADC's Safety and Standards Committee, Sofia Lenning, stressed that the training must prepare workers for the so-called "realities of modern production as well as the traditions of our craft". She added, "Our members will be the backbone of this industry. That means investing not just in machines and tools, but in people". On top of this, local educators have also welcomed the initiative, with the principle of the Reinhardt Technical College, Ragnar Follvik, stating that his institution had already begun expanding its facilities to meet the rising demand. He listed things such as having ordered new welding rigs, upgrading their computer-aided design labs, as well as adding evening classes to accommodate working apprentices.
 
The surge in applications has already sparked some discussion in amttingen ("district councils") about the district and regional distribution of training resources, with some rural delegates having called for more apprenticeship placements in some of the more outlying towns in order to prevent skilled youth from leaving their areas to go to the cities. In response, the Ministry of Industry has promised to review allocation figures before the final selection is to be announced in July. Nonetheless, all of this shows a great commitment and purpose from the people who have now truly engaged themselves into this largescale project, with many, specifically the young applicants, eagerly awaiting for the selections.
 
News report written by Jonas Oliversson.
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#46
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ASFK Unveils First of the Three New Frigate-Class Vessels
18 June 5664 | Kivonia, Davostag
 
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Top: Augustine-class frigate; Bottom-left: Gustav Dahler-class frigate; Bottom-right: Sankt-Erwin-class frigate.
 
Despite it being about 30 years later since the expansion of the All-State Defence Company's (ASFK) departments and divisions, having both bought several Trigunian military blueprints and licenses as well as creating the Dahlerian Divisions, we can now see progress in several of the old plans. It had been a slow and tedious process of development but ultimately production of the new types of military vehicles sought after by Krigsmakten ("Armed Forces") was in full swing. In order to make room for the new frigates and the coming destroyers and cruisers and, by the desires of the Navy General Staff, an aircraft carrier of the August Reinhardt-class, the Krigsmakt High Command has decommissioned approximately ten corvettes of the Kivonia-class. This corvette-class has numbered about 72, which has brought a severe financial headache to both the High Command and the Ministry of Defence, with the Navy General Staff stubbornly holding on to them. The reason for the high number of such vessels is a direct consequence to the build up to the Second Kundrati War. As the Navy General Staff announced their decommissions, they also stated plans to eventually, over a period of 25-50 years, decommission most of the Kivonia-class corvettes, some of the Långstad-corvettes and a smaller number of Nyberg-class corvettes, to make room for the series of Davostager frigate-classes and destroyers and cruisers.
 
The frigate-class types developed by ASFK's subsidiary known as Dahlerian Divisions was presented yesterday, with Ove Rasmussen (CEO and Chairman of ASFK), Carl Örman (CEO of Dahlerian Divisions), and Anders Grundman (Minister of Defence), as well as a number of senior ranking officers from all over the Armed Forces, most being the Navy, unveiling one vessel each of the three frigate-classes: the Augustine-class, the Gustav Dahler-class, and the Sankt Erwin-class. Rasmussen stated that the fourth frigate-class vessel known as the Eliseborg-class was unable to be made in time of the presentation, but would be finished in October of this year. As the press-corps followed the industrial, military and government leaders, Örman stated that including the ones presented, there are about four Augustine-class frigates completed, three Gustav Dahler-class and five Sankt-Erwin class. The Generalamiral Wictor von Clerk, chief of the Navy General Staff, proudly proclaimed these frigates as the first generation of a new, stronger and revitalized Davostager Navy. As the press pressed the generalamiral on the subject of the widely discussed and debated aircraft carrier, the Minister of Defence Grundman reportedly attempted to irritatedly steer the naval chief away from the press.
 
News report written by Alexandra Carlsdotter.
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#47
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Rikspresident Verman Falls Ill, Premier Riddercrantz Acting President
14 August 5669 | Kivonia, Davostag
 
Having assumed the office as the successor to rikspresident Karl Manner in 5649, Rikard Verman has governed the country through both stable and turbulant periods. During his first decade in office, the radical nationalist faction, which he was a part of, laid the foundation for their control over the ruling National Electoral Union (NVU), though this was done under the leadership of NVU secretary-general, Greta Greger, who Verman and his premier Götilda Riddercrantz have been devoted followers of. In the middle of the 5650s, the dissident opposition Centre Radical Democratic Party (CRDP) launched an urban guerilla conflict, attacking and assassinating prominent government and party officials, with premier Riddercrantz having almost succumbed to a car bomb. The conflict died out with the assassination of Greger in 5657, who had on her death bed asked Verman to end the troubles. His second decade in office, in the 5660s, has been in the focus of building a stronger industry and strengthening the country's economic power domestically. This is especially true to the revitalization efforts of the automobile industry that has been ongoing for the past nine years and is scheduled, or at least according to the National Automotive Development Council.
 
The rikspresident's wife, the first lady Sara Verman, made an official statement from their residence making it known that the rikspresident has fallen gravely ill and is currently under the supervision of the presidential doctors. Premier Riddercrantz have, with the approval of the State Council, assumed the duties of the rikspresident as the unofficial acting president, as the Davostager constitution rejects the offices of vice president and acting presidents as their own independent positions. It is reported that Riddercrantz have discussed the matter of the rikspresident's health with the speaker of the Riksdag, the State Council and the internal party leadership to prepare for the worst case scenario. In other words, requesting the Senatorial Committee to call upon a session of the Davostag Senate to elect the rikspresident's successor. Due to the informal power structure that came to be formed from Greta Greger's factional leadership, Verman and Riddercrantz was considered to the be two most senior deputies of Greger, with the former being senior than the latter. Thus it is widely speculated and with some unconfirmed rumors that Verman's possible successor is without a doubt Riddercrantz herself.
 
News report written by Alexander Persson.
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#50
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Rikspremier Björn Knudson celebrating his win on the night of the recent August elections.
   
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A Year in Davostag: General Strike and the Triumph of the Hyggekraftspartiet
    
December 14, 5737
 
It has been quite the year in Davostag indeed.
  
We are now six months into the HKP-SDEP coalition government's tenure, a state of affairs that would have been utterly unimaginable just a year ago.
 
While the country has seen various ups and downs (mostly downs) these past eighteen months, many think the future is bright, including, most notably, the Rikspremier Björn Knudson.
 
Our interview with him was, unsurprisingly, conducted in a cafe attached to one of Mr. Knudson's wellness retreats and spas, the first one he ever established near his hometown on the northern coast of Normanland. I must admit, even with the reputation of the Rikspremier being well established in my mind, I was still surprised to see him approach us, alone and unstaffed, in a soft woolen housecoat and pair of slippers.
 
A broad smile on his face, in-person he is something of an imposing figure, tempered by the warmth he emanates. Tall and well built for his age, he approaches with hand outstretched, introducing himself as though everybody in the country didn't already know who he was.
   
"It is fine", the Rikspremier says as we sit down for our chat. "Everything works out in the end; and if it hasn't worked out, it isn't the end."
 
Our objective was to gather his perspective over what has occurred since his initial entry to politics, but the conversation began with a discussion over our differing preference for types of sauna:
 
"I always preferred a dry sauna. There are many now well-documented benefits a dry sauna provides that are absent from steam saunas... but of course any retreat of any worth will offer both. It is, after all, about relaxation; and personal preference must be accounted for..."
 
You would think this was his fulltime job, which of course it was, before his entry into politics.
 
After this discussion drags on, I cannot stop myself from interrupting the Rikspremier, so that we may get down to brass tacks.
  
One would think, during this interaction, that the country hadn't just gone through a general strike, initiated by the Rikspräsident Rasmus Nyström via executive order, another enigmatic figure; equally if not better known and revered than Björn himself.
  
The Rikspremier recounts the event that he says started the chaos that enveloped the country these past many months. The elections of July 5736, and the subsequent coalition negotiations.
  
"After a long and grueling campaign, I had to relax. Like for all Davostagers; work begets rest, and rest begets work. It was at this very retreat, where I was spending time with my children, that I heard the news as I emerged from a cold plunge; we were cut out of the coalition by the SDEP."
  
The controversies of the following events are well known. Björn's party, the Hyggekraftspartiet, reached out directly to the Bondeförbundet-Folkpartiet. It began with a phone call by Knudson directly to the personal number of the BB-FP's leader and Rikspräsidential hopeful Kristín Olesen-Strand.
 
"She was expecting my call. A total badass, for whom I have the utmost respect. We gave her a better offer. She informed the SDEP of the plan to form government with us. A one seat majority! I can only imagine how that call went."
 
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A poster created to promote the creation of this unlikely coalition
   
It was this unlikely coalition that further drove the country towards crisis. The SDEP, unsurprisingly, were mortified. Many would argue rightfully so. The largest party, representing the large majority of urban voters, was cut out entirely from the government. This led to various opinions being shared in the media, including by this scribbler, but the subsequent actions of the SDEP's Rikspräsident Rasmus Nyström truly cast the die.
  
Through executive order, Nyström introduced sweeping changes to the legality of strike action, and subsequently called publicly for a general strike, so that the people of Davostag may show their displeasure for, as Nyström put it, the "undemocratic" new government.
 
What followed was months of chaos. Marches in the streets, supply chain disruptions, chaos in the Riksdag, sweeping omnibus legislation to "Save Davostag", a host of vetoes and executive orders, riots, and to a lesser extent street battles between radical leftists and the police.
 
"The situation was suboptimal, it caused anxiety and stress, the worst feelings of all. We were forced to counter the Rikspräsident in the Riksdag with various omnibus legislation to restore order and the Hygge-Kraft balance back to Davostag. At the time, I levied various accusations against the Rikspräsident, as he did against me. That is all behind us now. We are all good."
 
The strikes ran on for months, but the most controversial piece was of course the intervention of the Befäska Arbetarpartiet. A radical ethno-communist party, they rallied in strength behind Nyström and against the HKP/BB-FP government, going so far as to introduce legislation into the Riksdag to fully legalize and arm paramilitaries.
  
"It was, of course, absurd. While it is good to see the Arbetarpartiet has now rebranded and expelled its most radical elements, those wounds take a long time to heal."
 
Since the strikes, Parliamentary investigations have been undertaken to determine just how radical the Arbetarpartiet became during the strikes. The Rikspremier directly accused them of playing footsy with foreign communist powers who wished to destabilize Davostag to further their global revolution. Nothing of course has been proven yet.
 
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A propaganda poster widely distributed by the Befäska Arbetarpartiet during the general strike, showing solidarity with the Rikspräsident
   
While the strikes dragged on for months, they ultimately resulted in the severe drop in support for the SDEP. The numbers were clear; the HKP won the war of public opinion. It has not been confirmed, but this humble writer can only assume that this was chief among the reasons that caused the SDEP to back down. Knudson stayed as Rikspremier, the Arbetarpartiet reformed to remove its more radical elements, and Nyström ceased his campaign of vetoes and executive orders.
    
After some months passed, and various private negotiations occurred between the parties, new elections were held in August of this year. The HKP emerged triumphant, winning the most seats by a healthy margin. But then, something happened that, I think, restored the faith of many Davostagers in our institutions. The HKP and SDEP, only recently vicious enemies, slinging accusations and denouncements back and forth, their supporters even sometimes battling in the streets of Kivonia, formed a coalition government!
   
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A poster celebrating the new HKP-SDEP coalition government and the healing of our nation's wounds
   
"It needed to be done. The controversy that led our nation into chaos, the destabilization of balance, has to be put to bed, for good." The Rikspremier softly smiles, "we must work together, for the people of Davostag. What happened last year cannot be allowed to happen again, and together, we are all stronger. Peace in our time is the goal, and it has been achieved."
  
Publicly, the BB-FP seemingly has taken their exclusion from this new coalition government surprisingly well. Although there are murmurs that they, understandably, are somewhat hurt by what some may say is an HKP betrayal, they have yet to make any public moves to counter the new government's balanced priorities.
   
Well, as the Rikspremier said, "Peace in our time". While the memory of the general strike will not soon fade, the people of Davostag can now rest and work easy with the knowledge that their nation's politics no longer resemble a knife fight in the mud, as they did only a few short months ago. The HKP-SDEP government's legislative agenda has been light since the recent elections:
   
"We all need time to rest and recover. To relax and enjoy family and leisure time. It is only through rest that we may heal. This is true for all Davostagers, including their leaders. Make no mistake, soon I will be back fighting for the people in the halls of government, alongside our Rikspräsident. Stay tuned!"
   
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