Bianjie

[journey]

First election under amended electoral law finalises the creation of the new multi-party system
19 April 5733



The first election held under Bianjie's amended electoral code has proven many political observers' long anticipations and predictions: the old era of socialist dominance, as well as a two-party system is officially over, with the new multi-party system firmly taking its place instead, and reasserting itself with this election result.

Once universally powerful and dominant Socialist People's Party (SPP) has now suffered its worst election result ever, falling down to just 66 seats with just 28% of the popular vote, making it very unlikely for the socialists to return to power this term, making it the fifth electoral loss for the left-wing party, scrambling to hold onto the everchanging political climate of Bianjie, and unable to find a new identity amidst a leadership crisis. Emuqi Hegiya, the party's leader, has conceded the result during the her election night speech, congratulating premier Irifune on her likely re-election, but added that the "door remains open for a cooperation", something which the SPP refused to publicly admit so far. For a number of party members, both privately and on social media, this was a surprise, and a disappointment in Hegiya's leadership, who, according to the left flank of the formerly ruling party, is a "betrayal of progressive traditional principles". Some members, now even more so then ever, are eyeing the potential demarch from their party they are being disappointed in, with some sources noting a number of SPP's high-level provincial officials "scouting" MPs and socialists locally to join the new left-wing movement. And yet, SPP remains the largest party, and thus still remains holding its grip over Bianjian politics, but it is ever so slipping away.

On the remaining left, and traditionally SPP-aligned centre, mixed results: on one hand, Progressive Communist Party (PCP), as well as Shindoto (TPP) have benefited greatly from the new electoral system, both gaining 10 and 6 seats, respectively, making PCP now sit at 33 seats, making it the second best result ever for them, and TPP at 8 seats. On other hand, for the first since their foundation in 5645, Horizon fell below the required threshold to win seats, hence losing its only seat and becoming an extraparliamentary party. Abai Elakun, the party's leader, held an emotional briefing on the election night, asking forgiveness from the Horizon's militants, as he took the responsibility for the result, resigning from the position, until the party congress chooses a new chief.

But, obviously, the biggest result came on the right-of-centre political spectrum, as the Green Alliance of Bianjie (GAB) surprisingly, and yet, now officially, claimed itself as the second largest political force in Bianjie, as GAB outpaced the Democratic People's Party (DPP) in the party-list votes, finishing barely 6 thousand votes ahead of the democrats, claiming 49 seats for its, while DPP will sit with just 48. Despite losing seats, GAB celebrated the result with a lot of noise and partying in the Green Alliance's headquarters, and hundreds cheered the name "Irifune!", waiting for the premier to come to speak. Sora Irifune, 58, made history yet again for herself and the opposition in general, as she became the first non-socialist female premier to be re-elected, as well as the first ever trans woman to be re-elected as premier. "We made history yet again, we are writing the new story of this nation, together, because without all of your help it would've been impossible, and I am forever grateful to represent you all", premier said. And yet, Irifune's re-election reflects the four-leaf coalition's unusual ideological width, as Irifune, a self-proclaimed "social liberal", has no problem leading a government alliance spanning similar green liberals, traditional liberals, conservatives and right-wing populists. And while the first term relatively well, it is impossible to say how long will the anti-SPP unity hold, and whether the coalition would hold when it comes to real policies and issues, be it environmental policy, economics, or even foreign policy.

Still, the result shows that the two-party, or two-bloc system between the socialists and democrats is over, after holding on for more than a century, the new multi-party system has finally come to replace the old rule, with a new, wider and more competetive slate of parties. SPP has lost its dominance, and it is a fact. What was hidden by the disproportionality of the parallel system, imposed by the Tan government, is now visible in full. And yet, while the new system may more representative, one can argue it brings more instability and uncertainty. But whether it will actually happen, only time will tell.



Doyōbi (土曜日, lit. "Saturday") is a bi-weekly tabloid newspaper published in Fetembi, Wehealin.
(@Doyōbi)

[journey]

Present and future of the Socialist Party explained in their three main internal factions
25 July 5734



Ever since the collapse of the government of former premier Semken Tan, the Socialist People's Party (SPP) has not managed to recover from the electoral losses it suffered following the Umputun train crash and subsequent corruption scandal revealed as a result of the crash. Since then, SPP has been a free fall, having one worst election result ever after another, to the point where a number of socialists are contemplating their leave from the party many dedicated years of their life to, simply due to the fact that the party's current leadership is unable to bring the party back to its previous glory and dominant status. And yet, there are still significant forces within the party, ready to fight for the future of this party. And those forces are the three factions of the SPP, rotating between one another for years to lead the largest Bianjian political party, and today it is our duty to explain those factions.

Factions have been an integral part of the socialists' internal debate, and thus by extension the political life of the whole country, which existed in a SPP-dominant system for a little bit more than a century. And yet, in a SPP-dominant system, the factions became the main opposition to the socialist rule in some ways. And yet, most followed the party movement for most of the issues, as long as it brought results for them in Yuan and at the local level. But as soon as that system stopped delivering, the factions came out stronger than before, especially following the re-introduction of the parallel system, making electoral politics more feudal and localist, with the national leadership losing its grip, making factions more visible than ever. Heshen Tamuka and his agreement with the biggest rivals, the Democratic People's Party (DPP) brought immense opposition within the ruling party, with members of the first faction, the Patriotic Left Group, or the Aisakō, rallying its members within the caucus to protest the decision.

Aisakō is a left-wing populist and patriotic, as the name entails, faction, founded in 5670 by the socialists close to former premier Ajigen Kode, and ever since then, the faction was the most prominent voice of the party, with premiers Heshen Asuke and Semken Tan being its most prominent members. Former premier Kode, remaining in politics after her term ended, playing a huge role in shaping the SPP from behind the scenes, essentially becoming the party's grey eminence up until her passing in 5709. Being the Aisakō member, Tan pushed for electoral reform, expecting to strengthen both her faction, as well as the party as a whole, which he did, but ultimately, the strength was a mirage, as SPP's vote share declined further. Following Tan's leave as premier after the Umputun crash and corruption investigation, Aisakō lost its ground as the loundest voice in the room, and found itself on the backbenches of governance, as another faction took charge.
  
Orchid Unity Association, or Rantōkai, is one of the oldest factions in the party, and among its most prominent, as it was founded by the supporters of the Jalar premiership within the party. Rantōkai is the "traditionalist" wing of the party, promoting the original values on which the Socialist People's Party was founded in 5615. Tan's successor, Tabai Manišay was a member of the Rantōkai, generally perceived as the party's old guard, but being purely technical premier until the next, Manišay was largely unsucessful in stopping his party from eminent loss, and thus Rantōkai's rule return to power for the first time since Abatai Soca's premiership in 5648-5663, was short-lived was used a scapegoat for the bad result, as Manišay was pressured to step as a leader after the disappointing result in 5728, with the party instead electing the member of the third most prominent group, and the current leading faction of the Socialist People's Party.

Wind of Change Group, or Henkafūkai, is the centrist faction of the party, representing the more liberal and moderate socialists, who leave the door open to a cross-bloc cooperation, as it was the case with the new premier, Heshen Tamuka, who negotiated a deal with the SPP's archrivals, the DPP, to support his cabinet in exchange for DPP policies support, and its where we return to the beginning, where Aisakō protested the agreement. Many members threatened to leave the party if the deal goes through. Tamuka refused to stop the deal, instead, using all the tools at his disposal to calm down the revolt, and whiping the caucus MPs to support him for premier. It worked, but the internal opposition didn't stop, in fact, only became stronger, as it became evident that Tamuka was failing to deliver better results for the SPP, and likely losing the next election to the right-of-centre opposition. A good chunk of members, mostly from the two other factions did leave the party, with some joining the PCP, and others retiring from the politics altogether, or contemplating the creation of a new party, the future of which is still uncertain as of writing this article.

And so it was, Tamuka lost his election in 5728, having to resign as party leader, however, according to sources within the party, pushing the blame on the internal opposition for destabilising his premiership. BDK interlocutors said the outgoing premier had an hour and a half meeting in party office, where Tamuka practically screamed and insulted the Aisakō leaders present at the meeting, before officially leaving the leadership position. And yet, his blaming worked, as socialist militants voted for Emuqi Hegiya, another Henkafūkai member to lead the largest left-wing party in Bianjie. With her election, even more members of the further left-wing factions left the party in protest to the unchanging and worsening conditions within the party, especially the attempts to shun the internal opposition factions.

Now, in an open conflict with another another, the three party groups are fighting almost physically for the power inside the SPP, with Henkafūkai so far leading the battle, as their protege, Emuqi Hegiya is currently the main and only face of the purple party in the opposition. But as the SPP is unable to find its returning path to governance, the internal opposition is gaining ground, as the new leader of Aisakō, Muke Bodisi, is calling for Hegiya to resign, all meanwhile his faction members are going around the party, trying to gather support for the group's plans to oust Hegiya, and unite the party against the "centrist plague", that's ever so pushing to side with the GAB, and form a centrist coalition with the greens. At the same time, the old guard, or the Rantōkai, led by the former health minister in Manišay government, Yelu Gaogiya, is also trying to find its place in a new reality of socialist power struggle, calling everyone to "return to their senses", and "remember why SPP was created in the first place". And with three of the factons fighting for a position of power, the positions of the formerly dominant party remain unclear, as the current reality shows the birth of a new political system, with a thriving multi-party, where SPP will no longer able to afford standing alone, and will have to ally and put aside its pride and arrogance to unite. The only question being, who willt they choose, and who will lead the party: a centrist, who wants to adapt to a new political climate, the traditionalist who wants a left-wing unity akin to the old days, or a nationalist, who wants to return to the old domination period of Bianjie, remains to be answered by the socialists themselves.



べふ電信会社 (Bianjie Telegraph Agency, or Befu Denshin Kaisha; BTA or BDK) is the national press agency, headquartered in Gemun, created in 5374.

[journey]

Flat-rate nationwide public transport ticket launched in Bianjie 
State Council has announced the first tests of a nationwide monthly ticket for local and national public transport, valid nationwide at a fixed price, it would allow for unlimited travel on participating services 
7 March 5726



Already dubbed as the "revolution of public transport" in Bianjie, the upcoming Bianjiepiyoo, with -piyoo being the Bianjie word for "pass", or B-piyoo, is one of the most ambitious projects of the country's governments, when it comes the public transport system, being in works for a couple years now, is going to be tested out for two months before officially entering force on 1 June of this year.

For transport minister Suksaha Wenggot (ACT), and his predecessor, Nikan Albaki (ACT), this is the biggest challenge and achievement yet in the right-wing government's two-term tenure. Starting on 16 March, the current and future owners of the 60 g'an pass will be able to test out the revolutionary project set out by premier Sora Irifune and her government before the general populace. City limits, provincial borders, fare boundaries and even some international borders will no longer matter, minister Wenggot said.

Despite being fairly unitary state, the long-standing tradition of decentralised provincial and local governments have left its mark on the state of public transit in Bianjie, as the country finds itself in a complete disarray when it comes to the transport fares across the administrative units, with the national Ministry of Infrastructure and Transport having little to no say in a fare and pricing issues across the nation's provinces and its local governments, so the question has been under a debate for more than a decade now, with different governments and ministers proposing different solutions to the issue, but unable to find enough support. That is until now, when Irifune government has found a solution which was met with positive responses across the board: a nationwide month-long or year-long public transport ticket, funded by both local and provincial governments equally to ensure a proper cooperation to keep the project, that is expected to be benefitial for all sides involved, and push for a "revolution', with a decrease in using cars in favour of trains, better infrastructure, bigger marker and demand for a domestic train manifacturing and simply deeper cooperation between national and local governments, something that rarely happens these days.

The government has put out an announcement for pre-ordering the new nationwide transport pass in February, awaiting the high demand from citizens, and demand there was, with up to 1,7 million Bianjians flooding the newly-created website for B-piyoo in a span of two weeks, with another half a million reportedly also awaiting for their pass currently at the time of writing this article. "We expected hundreds of thousands, indeed, but these numbers go overboard all of our expectations, which means only one thing: it has been a long time coming", said transport minister Wenggot. "We also received calls from a number of citizens saying they would consider buying the pass, had it been cheaper, so we are working on more socially-acceptable prices currently, especially for low-income families or the vulnerable groups of citizens". And indeed, according to the University of Gemun Institute of Sociology (ISUG), 5-7% of respondents told the ISUG that they would buy the pass, had it been cheaper, or adjusted for groups unable to afford the B-piyoo.

Nevertheless, the ticket is largely benefitial for practically everyone in Bianjie, as monthly ticket like pass for all kinds of public transport (trains, buses, trams), both local, provincial and national, would be a much cheaper option than spending on each system separately, with transport ministry estimating that for most families and users the pass could cost as much as third, or even half of their usual expenses on a public transit in a country. On other hand, according to the ISUG poll, up to 30% of current buyers of the pass say they have been pretty common users of cars or taxis, leading MIT experts and pundits to assume the implementation would ease up traffic problems across the cities, and nation's most used highways, which will inevitably speed up many proceses, and help the economy. And talking about economy, the most obivous positive note of the project is millions of investment into the public transit, which in turn will attract millions of revenue from citizens and tourists likewise.

Bianjiepiyoo has not been an easy thing to kickstart, and it still has a lot of way to go, but it is clear that the momentum is there, and even despite harsh criticism and opposition from within the government, with ACT's own members from its libertarian wings voicing concerns about government involvement, and Green Alliance's more left-wing groups being disappointed at the concessions given to the provincial government and the whole project not going far enough and not environmentally-friendly enough, the pass has a potential, and pass can be revolutionary, for both Bianjie and possibly even the region, if proven successful. But a lot of it relies on both the government by implementing it, and us, as the users, to use it, and prove to the worst critics that all of this is worth it, which it absolutely is. 



べふ経済新聞 (Bianjie Economics Newspaper), also known as the Bekkei, is the second-largest economic newspaper in Bianjie, founded in 5561 and based in Niyalma.

[journey]

New Right coalition ministers dismissed after another corruption scandal
The nation's conservative right party plunges the coalition into chaos as its ministers are being investigated for corruption and conspiration to allocate state funds for political purposes
20 July 5737



Premier Irifune Sora in an attempt to save her coalition and government's face announced the dismissal of two New Right Party ministers, agriculture minister Oboi Nioharu and interior minister and NRP leader, Alin Bulamu, both accused to be a part of the so-called Green Fields affair. In her short speech to the nation, premier said that "no coalition government is worth compromising the rule of law", dismissing Bulamu and Nioharu after both refused to step down volutarily.

Coming to this moment, the scandal began innocuosly, with small local newspaper from Handuba releasing an investigation, where they noticed the unusually high amount of subsidies from the Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Affairs' regional investment fund has gone to a handful of local farming cooperatives controlled or affiliated by NRP MPs. At first, minister Nioharu denied any wrongdoing, and insisted the allocated funds were transferred purely on objective metrics and criteria set out by the ministry. And yet, as the story became of national importance and attention, the parliamentary investigative committee was formed, with the opposition MPs leading it to discover the ministry was actually aware of the connections about the links of the companies to the New Right and its major donors, with ministry's own officials voicing concern about the allocation of funds to the applications not meeting the MARA's eligibility rules, and yet their calls were ignored, with some officials later resigning in protest.

The story would dominate the headlines for weeks and embarass the coalition and the New Right especially, but neither would budge to address it properly. Until just a week ago, when the parliamentary commission requested the documents from the interior ministry, something which the latter refused to do at first, but when it was revealed that the opposition-led Yuan commission has reasonable grounds to suggest the cover-up from the NRP-led Ministry of Internal Affairs, whose anti-corruption unit had quietly suspended certain parts of its own investigation of the affair into a list of funds recipients, after it was reported the several ministry officials had questioned the "public interest" of the investigation.

The pinnacle of the scandal comes with the Ministry of Internal Affairs whistleblower's testimony before the Khanate Yuan, who revealed the documents acquired by her, and a couple other officials who resigned in protest, showing the clear political connection between certain decisions of two ministries and their agencies. "Political considerations have been openly, clearly and repeatedly placed above the professional and legal judgement for allocating taxpayer funds", the whistleblower told to the parliamentary committee behind the closed doors meeting. Additionally, in a surprising matter, the whistleblower's documents have revealed the lack of knowledge of these actions from the rest of the coalition partners and premier Irifune, specifically.

Whole political spectrum have repeatedly called for both NRP ministers to step down, however, neither responded to the calls, prompting the executive decision from premier herself coming immediately following the final report of the Yuan investigative committee. NRP initally had called the attacks "politically motivated", but as more information was being revealed, causing the party's internal rebellion and chaos, the New Right would admit its fault, though it would be late, as the most recent polling show the NRP fighting for its life, barely hitting the required 3% for winning seats. And with less than a year before the election, and more than ever isolated NRP, the party's future may be proven extremely difficult.



The Daily Report (日報), also known as Nippō (@Nippo), is a major daily newspaper based in Namušun, Bianjie.
The paper is published in both official languages in the broadsheet format and is also available online in other international languages.

[journey]

Right-wing government fails to win historic third term, as the left-wing celebrates with restraint
19 April 5738



The disappointment on the faces of the Green Alliance members could not have been measured enough, seeing party militants react to the preliminary results which indicated the upcoming victorious night for the left-wing coalition. It would be a much bitter loss for them, as polls showed the current coalition heading for its historic historic term, all before the Green Fields affair and a long investigation which hit the coalition, especially its now-hermited partner, the New Right Party, reputationally hard, even in spite of premier Irifune not being aware of the affair.

And yet, the left-wing did come out victorious in this election, with the three-party coalition consisting of the Socialist People's Party (SPP), the Progressive Communist Party (PCP) and the Shindoto (TPP), gaining 5% of the vote and 13 seats summarised for all three parties. The three traditionally left-of-centre forces have the majority back for the first time in 10 years, and are able to form a coalition, but it is not so easy anymore. The victory might be beautiful for the communists and the Shindoto, but for the socialists and their leader, Emuqi Hegiya, this result puts the party at the crossroads: side with the left, and form a proper government to the traditional name of tripartite, or cross the aisle, and unite forces with the Green Alliance. Hegiya, who has been leading the party for almost 10 years, has been a vocal proponent of the central bloc, has faced opposition from within the SPP for wanting to "finish the party" in a way it has been known forever, while Hegiya justifies her proposal by saying the "reality has changed" in Bianjie. Speaking at the election night, Hegiya didn't celebrate the victory, but only soberly stated that this result is a "vital reminder that governments are elected to serve, not rule forever".

On the other hand, the Progressive Communist Party, who definetely had all the reasons to be euphoric, as the party celebrated its best result ever in the party's history, finish just barely 3% away from being the second-largest party in Bianjie, with 16,2% of the vote and 38 seats. Party's new national secretary, Taksi Feimo, thanked the voters, especially the youth, who turned out to vote in record turnout numbers, as ISUG exit polls suggest the PCP might have been the most voted party for the 18-29 age group by far, coming in first with almost 30% of the vote, followed by GAB with 23% of the vote. "The kids are no longer kids, they grew up, and they want change, and they want it now, they want a different kind of politics, a kind of politics that cares for them, and for all the people, for our environment and for our lives", said Feimo. He would later assert the need for a left-wing government, and called for the SPP to "stop losing its way" and "return to its roots", or else the PCP would take it place as the biggest left-wing force in the country. "We are ready to lead the left in Bianjie, and certainly so are our voters, especially the very new generation, who care about this nation and their own future the most", said communists' national secretary.

For the premier Sora Irifune, the defeat came after the midnight, where in an emotional speech, she accepted the responsibility for the result, but she would also go on to defend her two governments' record for the past ten years. Irifune would point to the sustained economic growth, decrease in unemployment, especially to that of the youth, various investments, and most importantly, the launch of the Bianjie Pass, or B-piyoo. "We had our downs, we had our ups, but in the end, the history will judge us all, and I am glad for what we have achieved in those ten years together with you all, and your support for us, and I am sorry for not being able to hold this together for one more term", the outgoing premier would finish her speech with these words. When asked whether her party would be open to form a coalition with the socialists, the Green Alliance leader said that it is "up to the party conference", not something she can personally attest to, but added that she is open to any kind of talks with all parties across the aisle.

Now, the hard negotiation part begins, and despite being the largest party, somehow, the kingmaker position lays in the hands of the Socialist party, who's internal divisions and growing uncertainty will be put to a test for choosing the future government: whether it will be the one with the traditional left, or the new centrist governemnt with the second-largest party, and its rivals for the past ten years. 



Gemun Post (ゲムンポスト) is a major (previously local) daily newspaper based in Gemun.
(@GemunPost)
#generalelection
#socialistparty
#premieririfune

[journey]

Weeks of government formation ended as socialists say yes to the coalition with Greens 
12 June 5738



GEMUN: Leader of the socialists, Emuqi Hegiya, ends weeks of speculation, rumours, attacks and other political tools with the announcement that already angered a lot of members inside the party: there will be a central bloc coalition. The Socialist People's Party (SPP) will take a side with the Green Alliance of Bianjie (GAB) and the Shindoto (TPP) parties, to form a centrist grand coalition for the first time in history, with 128 MPs at their disposal and anger across the both left and right political spectrums.

The centrist government will be led by the socialist leader Hegiya, with the GAB's male co-leader, Gūwalgiya Eldembu, who will deputise Hegiya as vice premier in the new State Council, socialist spokesperson Dorgon Artas said to the press earlier today. As the two parties lack majority on their own, they will be joined by the Shindoto party, who was also a big part of calling for the centrist government, to "unite the nation" in "complicated and uncertain times like these", pointing at the growing polarisation of politics in Bianjie, corruption scandals and the need for a "new and clear path" for the future of the country, Xieren Zhu, the leader of the daenists have told at various times during the campaign. Now, posed to likely be the next health minister, Zhu thanked both parties for the constructive negotiations, calling it "one of the most productive" coalition agreements in the recent political history. According to the spokesman of the SPP, Artas, the new government has agreed on expanding Bianjiepiyoo, fighting and preventing corruption, clear pan-Dovanian foreign policy, investment in the rural country, as well as increase attention on the youth and environment, with a number of laws set to be proposed by the new government as a part of its programme before the Yuan.
 
Green Alliance also thanked socialists and daenists for the negotiations, adding that it was "an honour" for their party to negotiate the deal, even despite all the differences and the "ten years of fierce battle of ideas on the different sides of a parliamentary chamber". Sora Irifune also thanked the party for entrusting her to lead the government, and added that isn't likely to be part of the new government, but didn't rule it out completely, instead wishing her co-leader colleague, Eldembu, success in his new position as the vice premier and the finance minister. "Gūwa is a great friend of mine, but most importantly, he's a great fighter for what's right and what's best, and I am sure he will do just that as the new Vice Premier", outgoing premier wrote on her social media. Eldembu himself would briefly speak to the press after the coalition talks, where he described the meetings "productive", and thanked socialists for being "open to these kinds of negotiations" with his party, despite the pressure coming from both the outside and within.

Pressure like the statement from the Progressive Communist Party (PCP) who called this agreement "a grave mistake" and "a betrayal of left-wing values". In a statement, communists have called out both the SPP and the GAB for their "lack of interest" in negotiating with the PCP, and instead opting to do separate meetings parallel to the three-way negotiations, which was "endlessly disrespectful to the voters first, party second". Communists have finished the statement with wishing good luck to the new government, but adding that the PCP will a relentless opposition party, with no mercy to any misstep from the centrist coalition, as well as holding the doors open for all the left-wing traditionalists at the SPP, who are rightfully disappointed at the decision the party's central management took, in spite of the existing left-wing majority. "With this move from the SPP, we can finally prove and say that the PCP is now the only and biggest truly left-wing political force, and so we welcome everyone who wants to join this momentum and be a part of the change", the statement said.

The coalition announcement means the start of the premierial voting procedure, with the new government likely being formed and sworn in by the early or mid-July. A coalition over the centre, that might be proven either extremely succesful experiment, or catastrophe-in-waiting for both parties and an opportunity for the left and right extremes to take over, only time will tell.



毎日急行 (Daily Express) is a major daily newspaper based in the city of Namušun, Khani Province