18-10-2024, 02:59 PM
The programme of the Istalian communists
21st of September 5557 - Auro Casella
It has been over 3500 years since Karlstein Metz published his works that paved the way to a large line of communist theory and revolutions all throughout Terra, as well as the development of Vladimir Leonid and his theories on imperialism and the vanguard party, which have been of great influence to us Istalian communists. We have, however, observed a corruption, degradation, mockery of their theories, of which opportunistic revisionists, representing the interests of a desperate bourgeoisie to remain in power by appropriating the communist movement, have taken advantage of multiple times, in multiple ways. We, Italian communists, experienced this with Beato Calabresi and Millio Nenti - the founders of the Socialist Republic as well as the Socialist League of Istalia. Hence why, having gotten past their opportunism, we feel the need to stress and state our position, not as a political party, but as a real movement within Istalia and that seeks to, hopefully, reach out to the international proletariat. But it would be hard to do so without explaining our history - the history of our modern movement and of our party.
The establishment of the Socialist Republic
From July 5483 to August 5525, the Partito Conservatore Nationale (PCN) ruled the Republic of Istalia without losing any elections. Far from what it may look like, this constant victory of the PCN does not represent a support for the PCN and a status quo, but a disenfranchisement with the rotten capitalist system. Why, if not because from 5525 to 5535, elections stopped being celebrated unofficially - that is, no dictatorship was declared, no elections were ever suspended, but they simply were never held. What was the point, if we all knew what the results would be and when participation was going to be minimal? For all it’s worth, the bourgeoisie seemed to be content with this and there was a certain period of stability under the PCN, which we do not deem as good (although the Istalian bourgeoisie surely did!). There were no reforms being made, no elections, and no sign of activity or interest from any sector of the population. That is, until 5535.
Two trade unions, the Unione dei Lavoratori (UdL) and the Centro Lavoratori d’Istalia (CLI) united under a single banner and created the Lega Socialista d’Istalia (LSI) as a catch-all party for all socialists. The UdL was led by the self-declared Metzist, Beato Calabresi, and was mostly composed of Metzists of all sorts who mostly dedicated to internal debates, propaganda and little more. The CLI, led by the Syndicalist Millio Nenti, was rather more focused on activism, direct action, and protecting worker interests - to their disgrace, within a capitalist system, generally being described as “Flandinists”, that is, syndicalists who sought to strengthen the role of trade unions. Logically, uniting two diverging ideologies under a single party was bound to create factionalism, and this was something both Calabresi and Nenti were aware of. Hence why, during their first congress of the LSI, they decided to announce themselves as Segretari - both leaders, with equal authority, of the party. They presented themselves as just figureheads of the party, and declared that any decision the party would take would have to be voted inside the party. Lastly, they made a rather bold and interesting decision: uniting the two unions, the UdL and CLI, under a single union associated with the LSI: the Unione Socialista dei Lavoratori d’Istalia (USLI).
In May, elections were held within the party to choose between Calabresi and Nenti as candidate for presidency to the Republic, resulting in the victory of Calabresi with 62% of the votes. Just then, a Hosian democrat and conservative party, the Balena Bianca, appeared in the political scene to compete against the LSI now that the old PCN was no longer a thing. This was clearly an attempt from the bourgeoisie to assure the maintainment of the status quo as it had been doing since 5525 and that was being threatened, under their view, by the existence of the LSI. In June, new elections were held, where Balena Bianca got the most votes, but Calabresi won the presidential elections. The Istalian bourgeoisie was feeling more threatened than ever, and by February 5536 called for new elections and, in an unexpected turn of events, these new elections put the LSI in a better position than before, winning presidential elections again and winning more seats than the Balena Bianca. Accepting their clear defeat, the Balena Bianca disbanded and the LSI seized all the empty seats for themselves.
In December 5538, the LSI would finally establish the Socialist Republic of Istalia. Among the constitutional changes made part of the proclamation of the Socialist Republic, the Lega Socialista included: a name change for the Chamber of Deputies to "Congresso Generale" (General Congress), for the President of the Council of Ministers to "Segretario del Congresso Generale" (Secretary of the General Congress), and for the President of Istalia to "Segretario Generale" (General Secretary); a new flag, and a new official motto that would represent the purpose of the Lega Socialista - "Per i lavoratori, per la liberazione" (For workers, for liberation). This caused new members to join the LSI, particularly a more reformist, moderate faction. The Syndicalists were getting angry: they demanded a radical transformation of society as soon as possible, but the rest of the party seemed to be in opposition to this plan of action.
The first congress of the Socialist Republic was celebrated in August 5539, announcing new reforms for the Socialist Republic. Among these we can find, however, a rather reformist approach and not an actual Metzist plan of action - or socialist at all. Some expropriation of private property was done, but private property still remained largely, and this alone proves a fact: the LSI was not as revolutionary as they claimed. Had they been revolutionary, the first thing they would have done is get rid of the dominion of the bourgeoisie and declare a dictatorship of the proletariat, which would inevitably lead to the socialisation of the means of production and the formation of worker councils within workplaces. None of this happened, because the Socialist Republic was just yet another bourgeois state feeding off the communist movement. And just soon after these reforms passed, a new party described as a big tent coalition of liberals, conservatives, Hosian democrats, and nationalists, the Fronte Anti Radicale (FAR), appeared in the scene to oppose the LSI. Let us be clear that, by this point, there is no doubt the conflict was between two different factions of the bourgeoisie: one, content with the previous state of things under the PCN, and another, the case of the LSI, a more progressive and reformist section of the bourgeoisie that sought to re-activate the development of productive forces in Istalia. One year later, in August 5540, the second Congress was held to pass military reforms, including making the state own all defense industries and turning the army into a police force as well, likely done in reaction to the formation of the FAR. Yet another sign of the Socialist Republic not being a dictatorship of the proletariat, as one would involve worker militias, not a professional army that was likely made up of reactionary and conservative forces (to the LSI’s ignorance, likely).
In April 5541, new elections were held, again with the victory of the LSI. However, with very little advantage over the FAR, something that would be repeated again in the elections of 5545, which led the FAR to disband one year later, accepting its defeat as well. Calabresi and his followers would celebrate this as a “second revolution” and a victory. And this is when I begin my little adventure in the LSI, for some of the Metzists, including myself, started calling out Calabresi, warning him that this meant no victory but was a sign of a possibility for victory in the near future: the only thing the LSI had to do was forbid non-proletarian classes have any sort of political power. We, of course, were not listened to. More bourgeois reforms were made.
My dearest ally in the LSI, Federica Carboni, had been appointed as Minister of Environment and Tourism, while I was appointed as Minister of Trade and Industry. We both spoke out often against the lackluster reforms of Calabresi and decided to host a second congress of the LSI, where we called for a new plan of action that would involve the distribution of guns to the workers, the mass nationalisation of private businesses, the mobilisation of worker militias against reactionary and bourgeois forces, the suppression of political rights for non-proletarian groups, and the organisation of worker councils in businesses and industries, replacing the still ongoing rule of the bourgeoisie. The Syndicalists supported us, to some extent, while the followers of Calabresi and moderate socialists opposed it. As such, a vote was held and our plan of action was approved, which led to Calabresi leaving the party, who would be now replaced by me.
However, in July 5549, the Forum Liberale would be formed by Andrea Magliano and they would ask for compromising and cooperating with the LSI. The Liberals were, sadly for us, smarter than the previous bourgeois parties, and they would manage to win the elections of February 5552 - the first time in the history of the Socialist Republic that the LSI would lose elections. That same month I held a speech announcing that Istalia has never been a dictatorship of the proletariat - as the victory and existence of the Forum Liberale proves - and is not ready either for it. In January 5556, we won elections again in a period of conflict with the government of Pontesi as well as local Ahmadi radicals, but our stance was clear: the communist government was not a symbol of a dictatorship of the proletariat, but simply had the purpose of safeguarding the revolution which we were hoping would happen soon.
The programme
While all regions of the world are bound to class struggle and the inevitable introduction of communism, whether it be tomorrow or in centuries, we cannot assume that all regions must follow the same program, as each have different material conditions, that meaning, different factors and elements will give rise to a proletarian revolution in different manners, and its development towards a dictatorship of the proletariat and consequently communism will be different. We believe that all revolutions arise spontaneously, regardless of intervention from any political entity, such as the vanguard party, with the only condition of class consciousness, which we believe to be dynamic and temporal, as the material conditions are in constant evolution and modification. Meaning, some factors that lead to a generalised class consciousness within a region might be modified or erased two years later and reduce class consciousness. When in 5535 the LSI was formed as an alternative to the status quo (the PCN’s rule), class consciousness was at its highest. However, the policies of the LSI tamed the working class and reduced class consciousness with the reforms of the first congress, arriving at the current state of Istalia, where there is barely enough class consciousness to produce a revolution - and our victory in elections is no sign of class consciousness.
Despite the fact it is clear that material conditions are different in each region of the world (despite some common grounds, especially in a largely globalised world like today’s), we, communists, must not fall for nationalism at all. The revolution is exclusively international and no nation, culture, religion, or ideology should divide the working class and deviate it from its final objective. It is the task of every worker to support foreign revolutions and make use of any resource to spark it up everywhere else. This is not to mean a proletarian state should make war on bourgeois nations as a way of ‘exporting the revolution’, as this is merely imperialism and one should be sceptical of such moves. Instead, we will clandestinely support local communist organisations, aid them with any necessary equipment and resources, and spread our word there. Imperialism is a tool of the bourgeoisie and not of the proletariat, and national wars are but a form of imperialism, no matter the reasoning behind it.
Similarly, we are and should be sceptical of any bourgeois and reactionary institution, such as the state and the army: it is not our intention to simply seize them, but also restructure them to our benefit for as long as the dictatorship of the proletariat is in place. The state will only be composed of the proletariat, and no proletarian will be excluded from it; the army will consist of armed worker militias, and no one else shall bear the right to own and carry guns. Both of these institutions will have the role of protecting and managing the revolution, the dictatorship of the proletariat. One of the ways to do so, and probably the most important early on, is encouraging and speeding up the production of class consciousness within the territory under a dictatorship of the proletariat, as without this, no revolution will thrive. We must forget about bourgeois ideals of ‘freedom, democracy, equality’ and such: we will exercise full control of the state and oppress any class that is not the proletariat, while altogether we will make sure to transition towards a communist economy that will inevitably turn everyone into a worker of the same status.
Lastly, we will insist on our revolutionary character, never supporting, endorsing nor surrendering to reformism. Reformism is a sign of revisionism and opportunism - two things we stress that are the biggest enemies to the working class of today, being no more than one of the many tools the bourgeoisie has to keep the working class under control, luring them with meaningless policies and ideals. We are the real deal, and that is why we will meet opposition. And we have a message for such opposition: the proletariat will not bow down, nor keep quiet, nor give up without a fight.
Thus, to summarise, the programme of the Istalian communists asserts that:
21st of September 5557 - Auro Casella
It has been over 3500 years since Karlstein Metz published his works that paved the way to a large line of communist theory and revolutions all throughout Terra, as well as the development of Vladimir Leonid and his theories on imperialism and the vanguard party, which have been of great influence to us Istalian communists. We have, however, observed a corruption, degradation, mockery of their theories, of which opportunistic revisionists, representing the interests of a desperate bourgeoisie to remain in power by appropriating the communist movement, have taken advantage of multiple times, in multiple ways. We, Italian communists, experienced this with Beato Calabresi and Millio Nenti - the founders of the Socialist Republic as well as the Socialist League of Istalia. Hence why, having gotten past their opportunism, we feel the need to stress and state our position, not as a political party, but as a real movement within Istalia and that seeks to, hopefully, reach out to the international proletariat. But it would be hard to do so without explaining our history - the history of our modern movement and of our party.
The establishment of the Socialist Republic
From July 5483 to August 5525, the Partito Conservatore Nationale (PCN) ruled the Republic of Istalia without losing any elections. Far from what it may look like, this constant victory of the PCN does not represent a support for the PCN and a status quo, but a disenfranchisement with the rotten capitalist system. Why, if not because from 5525 to 5535, elections stopped being celebrated unofficially - that is, no dictatorship was declared, no elections were ever suspended, but they simply were never held. What was the point, if we all knew what the results would be and when participation was going to be minimal? For all it’s worth, the bourgeoisie seemed to be content with this and there was a certain period of stability under the PCN, which we do not deem as good (although the Istalian bourgeoisie surely did!). There were no reforms being made, no elections, and no sign of activity or interest from any sector of the population. That is, until 5535.
Two trade unions, the Unione dei Lavoratori (UdL) and the Centro Lavoratori d’Istalia (CLI) united under a single banner and created the Lega Socialista d’Istalia (LSI) as a catch-all party for all socialists. The UdL was led by the self-declared Metzist, Beato Calabresi, and was mostly composed of Metzists of all sorts who mostly dedicated to internal debates, propaganda and little more. The CLI, led by the Syndicalist Millio Nenti, was rather more focused on activism, direct action, and protecting worker interests - to their disgrace, within a capitalist system, generally being described as “Flandinists”, that is, syndicalists who sought to strengthen the role of trade unions. Logically, uniting two diverging ideologies under a single party was bound to create factionalism, and this was something both Calabresi and Nenti were aware of. Hence why, during their first congress of the LSI, they decided to announce themselves as Segretari - both leaders, with equal authority, of the party. They presented themselves as just figureheads of the party, and declared that any decision the party would take would have to be voted inside the party. Lastly, they made a rather bold and interesting decision: uniting the two unions, the UdL and CLI, under a single union associated with the LSI: the Unione Socialista dei Lavoratori d’Istalia (USLI).
In May, elections were held within the party to choose between Calabresi and Nenti as candidate for presidency to the Republic, resulting in the victory of Calabresi with 62% of the votes. Just then, a Hosian democrat and conservative party, the Balena Bianca, appeared in the political scene to compete against the LSI now that the old PCN was no longer a thing. This was clearly an attempt from the bourgeoisie to assure the maintainment of the status quo as it had been doing since 5525 and that was being threatened, under their view, by the existence of the LSI. In June, new elections were held, where Balena Bianca got the most votes, but Calabresi won the presidential elections. The Istalian bourgeoisie was feeling more threatened than ever, and by February 5536 called for new elections and, in an unexpected turn of events, these new elections put the LSI in a better position than before, winning presidential elections again and winning more seats than the Balena Bianca. Accepting their clear defeat, the Balena Bianca disbanded and the LSI seized all the empty seats for themselves.
In December 5538, the LSI would finally establish the Socialist Republic of Istalia. Among the constitutional changes made part of the proclamation of the Socialist Republic, the Lega Socialista included: a name change for the Chamber of Deputies to "Congresso Generale" (General Congress), for the President of the Council of Ministers to "Segretario del Congresso Generale" (Secretary of the General Congress), and for the President of Istalia to "Segretario Generale" (General Secretary); a new flag, and a new official motto that would represent the purpose of the Lega Socialista - "Per i lavoratori, per la liberazione" (For workers, for liberation). This caused new members to join the LSI, particularly a more reformist, moderate faction. The Syndicalists were getting angry: they demanded a radical transformation of society as soon as possible, but the rest of the party seemed to be in opposition to this plan of action.
The first congress of the Socialist Republic was celebrated in August 5539, announcing new reforms for the Socialist Republic. Among these we can find, however, a rather reformist approach and not an actual Metzist plan of action - or socialist at all. Some expropriation of private property was done, but private property still remained largely, and this alone proves a fact: the LSI was not as revolutionary as they claimed. Had they been revolutionary, the first thing they would have done is get rid of the dominion of the bourgeoisie and declare a dictatorship of the proletariat, which would inevitably lead to the socialisation of the means of production and the formation of worker councils within workplaces. None of this happened, because the Socialist Republic was just yet another bourgeois state feeding off the communist movement. And just soon after these reforms passed, a new party described as a big tent coalition of liberals, conservatives, Hosian democrats, and nationalists, the Fronte Anti Radicale (FAR), appeared in the scene to oppose the LSI. Let us be clear that, by this point, there is no doubt the conflict was between two different factions of the bourgeoisie: one, content with the previous state of things under the PCN, and another, the case of the LSI, a more progressive and reformist section of the bourgeoisie that sought to re-activate the development of productive forces in Istalia. One year later, in August 5540, the second Congress was held to pass military reforms, including making the state own all defense industries and turning the army into a police force as well, likely done in reaction to the formation of the FAR. Yet another sign of the Socialist Republic not being a dictatorship of the proletariat, as one would involve worker militias, not a professional army that was likely made up of reactionary and conservative forces (to the LSI’s ignorance, likely).
In April 5541, new elections were held, again with the victory of the LSI. However, with very little advantage over the FAR, something that would be repeated again in the elections of 5545, which led the FAR to disband one year later, accepting its defeat as well. Calabresi and his followers would celebrate this as a “second revolution” and a victory. And this is when I begin my little adventure in the LSI, for some of the Metzists, including myself, started calling out Calabresi, warning him that this meant no victory but was a sign of a possibility for victory in the near future: the only thing the LSI had to do was forbid non-proletarian classes have any sort of political power. We, of course, were not listened to. More bourgeois reforms were made.
My dearest ally in the LSI, Federica Carboni, had been appointed as Minister of Environment and Tourism, while I was appointed as Minister of Trade and Industry. We both spoke out often against the lackluster reforms of Calabresi and decided to host a second congress of the LSI, where we called for a new plan of action that would involve the distribution of guns to the workers, the mass nationalisation of private businesses, the mobilisation of worker militias against reactionary and bourgeois forces, the suppression of political rights for non-proletarian groups, and the organisation of worker councils in businesses and industries, replacing the still ongoing rule of the bourgeoisie. The Syndicalists supported us, to some extent, while the followers of Calabresi and moderate socialists opposed it. As such, a vote was held and our plan of action was approved, which led to Calabresi leaving the party, who would be now replaced by me.
However, in July 5549, the Forum Liberale would be formed by Andrea Magliano and they would ask for compromising and cooperating with the LSI. The Liberals were, sadly for us, smarter than the previous bourgeois parties, and they would manage to win the elections of February 5552 - the first time in the history of the Socialist Republic that the LSI would lose elections. That same month I held a speech announcing that Istalia has never been a dictatorship of the proletariat - as the victory and existence of the Forum Liberale proves - and is not ready either for it. In January 5556, we won elections again in a period of conflict with the government of Pontesi as well as local Ahmadi radicals, but our stance was clear: the communist government was not a symbol of a dictatorship of the proletariat, but simply had the purpose of safeguarding the revolution which we were hoping would happen soon.
The programme
While all regions of the world are bound to class struggle and the inevitable introduction of communism, whether it be tomorrow or in centuries, we cannot assume that all regions must follow the same program, as each have different material conditions, that meaning, different factors and elements will give rise to a proletarian revolution in different manners, and its development towards a dictatorship of the proletariat and consequently communism will be different. We believe that all revolutions arise spontaneously, regardless of intervention from any political entity, such as the vanguard party, with the only condition of class consciousness, which we believe to be dynamic and temporal, as the material conditions are in constant evolution and modification. Meaning, some factors that lead to a generalised class consciousness within a region might be modified or erased two years later and reduce class consciousness. When in 5535 the LSI was formed as an alternative to the status quo (the PCN’s rule), class consciousness was at its highest. However, the policies of the LSI tamed the working class and reduced class consciousness with the reforms of the first congress, arriving at the current state of Istalia, where there is barely enough class consciousness to produce a revolution - and our victory in elections is no sign of class consciousness.
Despite the fact it is clear that material conditions are different in each region of the world (despite some common grounds, especially in a largely globalised world like today’s), we, communists, must not fall for nationalism at all. The revolution is exclusively international and no nation, culture, religion, or ideology should divide the working class and deviate it from its final objective. It is the task of every worker to support foreign revolutions and make use of any resource to spark it up everywhere else. This is not to mean a proletarian state should make war on bourgeois nations as a way of ‘exporting the revolution’, as this is merely imperialism and one should be sceptical of such moves. Instead, we will clandestinely support local communist organisations, aid them with any necessary equipment and resources, and spread our word there. Imperialism is a tool of the bourgeoisie and not of the proletariat, and national wars are but a form of imperialism, no matter the reasoning behind it.
Similarly, we are and should be sceptical of any bourgeois and reactionary institution, such as the state and the army: it is not our intention to simply seize them, but also restructure them to our benefit for as long as the dictatorship of the proletariat is in place. The state will only be composed of the proletariat, and no proletarian will be excluded from it; the army will consist of armed worker militias, and no one else shall bear the right to own and carry guns. Both of these institutions will have the role of protecting and managing the revolution, the dictatorship of the proletariat. One of the ways to do so, and probably the most important early on, is encouraging and speeding up the production of class consciousness within the territory under a dictatorship of the proletariat, as without this, no revolution will thrive. We must forget about bourgeois ideals of ‘freedom, democracy, equality’ and such: we will exercise full control of the state and oppress any class that is not the proletariat, while altogether we will make sure to transition towards a communist economy that will inevitably turn everyone into a worker of the same status.
Lastly, we will insist on our revolutionary character, never supporting, endorsing nor surrendering to reformism. Reformism is a sign of revisionism and opportunism - two things we stress that are the biggest enemies to the working class of today, being no more than one of the many tools the bourgeoisie has to keep the working class under control, luring them with meaningless policies and ideals. We are the real deal, and that is why we will meet opposition. And we have a message for such opposition: the proletariat will not bow down, nor keep quiet, nor give up without a fight.
Thus, to summarise, the programme of the Istalian communists asserts that:
- The communist movement is a material and international movement of a revolutionary character, regardless of smaller differences in material conditions between regions of the world.
- We oppose bourgeois ideals, systems and institutions: from democracies, to monarchies and bourgeois dictatorships; from the state to the army; from freedom to oppression; from equality to inequality.
- The movement is purely a proletarian one, for the proletariat. This does not mean that other class cannot participate, but they will willingly have to cease of their position as a non-proletarian class and join the proletariat - or accept a lack of political power and rights for as long as they are not proletarian.
- We are entirely opposed to reformism and opportunism and we will declare any sign of such as bourgeois and thus opposed to the communist movement.
- The proletariat has nothing to gain from division, and thus must unite as a single class with the same line of action. The party will act as a beehive, a representant of the working class and at the same time its protector and guide until it is deemed unnecessary of such role. The party will not rule nor enact reforms under a dictatorship of the proletariat, just like a labour union does not rule.
- Our main task, besides opposing reformist and opportunistic subjects and calling them out, will be that of raising class consciousness, not just in Istalia, but in all of Terra. Any opposition shall not be met kindly.