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End of insurgency in Farovon
Cise, Utaristan | 12. 7. 5712
Two months after the capture of Abduweli Kusen, leader of the fundamentalist coalition of Ahmadist radicals 'Ahmadi Coalition for Salvation of Utaristan', the insurgency in Farovon is considered to be defeated. While following the capture, ACSU has refused to surrender or negotiate; it has soon begun to splinter. It appears that Kusen was the unifying figure for the movement, and his capture was a deadly blow to the group. The coalition first split between Israists and Abadists, the two sects of the Ahmadi religion, and soon after that drifted even further apart due to leadership challenges. Several days ago Abduweli Kusen was sentenced to death by the Supreme Revolutionary People's Court for treason, terrorism, counter-revolutionary activity, collaboration with foreign actors, and several other crimes. Following Kusen's execution, the remnants of the ACSU and some of its splinters announced they will accept Cise's offer of amnesty in return for peaceful surrender. Despite some pushbacks, Cise has not rescinded the offer and has accepted the surrender. Most of the surrendering groups were promptly disarmed; however, in accordance with the deal, no violent reprisals were made. Yesterday, on the 11th of July, 5712, Cise announced that the execution of Kusen had been carried out, the insurgents were either forced into hiding or disarmed, and that for the first time since 5710, there is peace in the Farovon province. In today's session the Revolutionary People's Assembly has concluded that the Territorial Stabilisation Mechanism will be rescinded on the 13th of September 5713, in just over a year, and on the 14th of September 5713, regional elections will be held in the province and in several other provinces, as per the peacetime schedule. Until then the Province Director appointed by Cise will govern the province as per the Territorial Stabilisation Mechanism.
This article was authored by Salomat Ruslanova.
journal.news.ut is independent multilingual newspaper reporting on Utaristan. It is currently based in Ambagašan, Bianjie, due to the lack of freedom of the press in Utaristan.
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Utaristan joins the DU as Xsampan troops withdraw
Cise, Utaristan | 14. 11. 5713
Damir Zholdashov speaking at session of the Revolutionary People's Assembly
In a press release, the Director of the Revolutionary People's Assembly Damir Zholdashov announced that the RPA and the Supreme Revolutionary People's Council have approved the Dovani Integration Act. The vote of the Advisory Committee on Dovani Affairs of the RPA has recommended pursuing integration with the Dovani Union in a tight 10-9 vote. In accordance with the principle of democratic centralism, that recommendations by a dedicated organ should be pursued by the entire apparatus, members of the Dovani Affairs Committee have begun drafting up the Dovani Integration Act. According to the Dovani Integration Act, membership in the Dovani Union will be pursued by the Ministry of Dovani Affairs, and the Dovani Union Diplomatic Framework will be ratified. The DIA also establishes the Special Advisory Committee on the Dovani Security Organization, which will analyse if participation in the DSO is in the interests of Utaristan, the People, and the Revolution. The DIA was passed in a 330-0 vote by the Revolutionary People's Assembly and approved in a 55-0 vote by the Supreme Revolutionary People's Council on 12th November 5713, two days ago. Following the approval of DIA, the RPA has also passed a motion to request the immediate withdrawal of the Xsampan Democratic Army from Utaristani soil.
These developments mark an important milestone in Utaristani foreign policy and its approach to Dovani integration. Pan-Dovanism has been integral to most of the Utaristani left, including the Revolutionary People's Party of Utaristan, for at least 6 decades. The revolutionary regime has, however, faced a dilemma, as the Revolutionary Republic is notably more radical than other socialist states, especially Xsampa. For this reason, large parts of the revolutionary regime appear to distrust any collaboration with foreign states, but the practical circumstances that Utaristan finds itself in force even the most radical elements to concede at least some external cooperation. Integration with Dovani is a major success for the more pragmatic wing of the regime and could foreshadow more reforms and changes in direction, especially as Utaristan will need to keep Xsampa on its good side.
In other news:
Former dictator of Utaristan Ablet Avutov spotted in Bianjie
Utaristani band Jetiştüü to perform at FOMAT XLIV
This article was authored by Salomat Ruslanova.
journal.news.ut is independent multilingual newspaper reporting on Utaristan. It is currently based in independent, Bianjie, due to the lack of freedom of the press in Utaristan.
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Two dead in fatal shooting at lesbian bar in Toguz
Cise, Utaristan | 6. 12. 5714
Vigil for the victims in front of Asl
OOC: Trigger warning: fatal homophobia, hate crime
According to Toguz City Public Security, several days ago on the 3rd of December, two women were killed and another bystander was seriously wounded in a shooting in front of the entrance to Asl, the only lesbian bar in Toguz. The shooting had occurred at 18:21, when the shooter fired 5 shots at people coming out of the bar, killing 2 and injuring 1. The first responders arrived at 18:32, transporting the injured to the Toguz City Hospital. At 18:34 the Public Security has closed off all surrounding streets and begun to search for the perpetrator. The perpetrator did not appear to have a proper escape plan and surrendered to the public security officers at 18:43.
The victims were identified as Güzile Maimaiti, a 23-year-old student at Toguz Technical University, and Latifa Mannonova, a 28-year-old kindergarten teacher. The wounded person, whose state has been stabilised in the hospital, has refused to reveal their identity. The perpetrator was 19-year-old Tesha Negmatov. According to information revealed to Public Security and provided to it by the Bureau of Counter-Revolutionary Activities, Negmatov was active in fundamentalist internet spaces and even attempted to join the Ahmadi Coalition for Salvation of Utaristan, a far-right fundamentalist insurgent organisation formerly active in the Farovon province. Apparently Negmatov had planned to shoot up the entire bar and then commit suicide, but his weapon had jammed. Due to security reasons, we could not reach out to the families of the victims, as such an operation could endanger both the families and our journalists in the country.
Negmatov will be facing charges for murder and terrorism and will face trial by the Greater Cise Province Revolutionary People's Court. Under the current Utaristani law, there are no provisions for hate crimes based on sexual or gender identity. There is significant possibility that Negmatov will receive the death penalty, especially if the act receives even more attention from the Utaristani society and international community.
Already there are voices within Utaristani society supporting major reform to the country's approach to gender and sexual minorities. Under the de-religionisation carried out by the Ministry of Ethno-religious Affairs, religious symbols were banned from all public and government spaces, and any religious organisation has to be approved by the Ministry of Ethno-religious Affairs. These efforts have begun to shift Utaristani outlook on sexual minorities from religious conservatism, but change is slow to come, and most Utaristani still consider same-sex relations and gender transition to be 'immoral'.
With the recent attack, however, many have begun to take a firmer stance on the issue, and even the President of Utaristan, Abenanka Ibraev, has announced that she and her administration will begin to consider reform to the laws affecting sexual and gender minorities, such as implementing hate crime and anti-discrimination provisions. The Revolutionary People's Assembly has passed a motion to establish the Special Advisory Committee on Sexual and Gender Identities, which will examine the status quo and propose potential reforms to the RPA.
In other news: - Left-wing emigres begin to return from Bianjie to Utaristan
- Farovon Province Revolutionary People's Council recalls delegates from the Supreme Revolutionary People's Council
- RPA delegate criticises Xsampa for its close ties with Egelion
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Reshuffle in Utaristani government as LGBTQ+ rights act is passed
Cise, Utaristan | 23. 2. 5715
Two months after the cruel murder of two women in front of a lesbian bar in Toguz, the Revolutionary People's Assembly has passed the Equal Protections and Opportunities Act, which was promptly approved by the Supreme Revolutionary People's Council and President Abenanka Ibraev. Drafted up by the Special Advisory Committee on Sexual and Gender Identities established in the wake of the murders, the EPOA clarifies the stance of the Utaristani state on matters of sexual and gender minorities.
The act establishes legal provisions for hate crimes based on gender or sexual identities and provisions against discrimination based on sexual or gender identity. It explicitly allows same-sex sexual contact and allows citizens to serve in the Revolutionary People's Army no matter their sexual or gender identity, both matters that were considered to be ambiguous before. The act also establishes recognition of same-sex unions, but not same-sex marriage or adoption by same-sex couples, a fact that may be disappointing to some. The act is most conservative regarding transgender rights. It also codifies an official process for gender transition, but as part of the process, individuals have to undergo procedures that can be considered invasive, such as intense medical and psychological examinations, examination and approval by a ministry commission, and even castration, as gender-reassignment surgery is needed to change the gender marker in documents. Non-binary identities are still not recognised.
Along with the new law, there are new developments in the case of the murders. The accused, Tesha Negmatov, has been found guilty of murder and terrorism by the Greater Cise Province Revolutionary People's Court and sentenced to death. The sentence was carried out several days ago. Along with the execution, there are reports that several high-ranking officials at the Ministry of Security, Toguz Public Security, and several other offices have been dismissed from their posts. According to experts, under different circumstances Negmatov could have avoided the death penalty, only enduring several years or a lifetime in prison, but due to very public international attention to the case, especially from Xsampa and Bianjie, the regime saw this affair as an international embarrassment and decided to take drastic measures.
In a social media post, a new queer Utaristani organisation, 'Revolutionary People's Pride Association', has announced its formation following approval of the Ministry of Civic Rights and Wellbeing. Officially it is independent of government, though one must wonder how possible that is in an authoritarian regime like Utaristan, and its stated purpose is to promote support and rights for queer people in Utaristan. The association has already announced it has planned a pride parade in Cise for June '5715 and a vigil in Toguz for the victims of the shooting on 6th December.
Read more articles related to Toguz attack:
In other news: - Minister of Dovani Affairs says DSO membership is 'not being considered'
- President Ibraev labels the Xsampan and New Verhamese ratification of the Altéa Accords 'unfortunate and disappointing'
- Utaristani diaspora in Bianjie and Xsampa organises protests in support of the queer community in Utaristan
journal.news.ut is independent multilingual newspaper reporting on Utaristan. It is currently based in Ambagašan, Bianjie, due to the lack of freedom of the press in Utaristan.
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External Analysis of Utaristani Economy
Cise, Utaristan | 1. 4. 5715
This analysis is first part of series of publications of external analysises of Utaristan, that include external analysis of Utaristani economy, factions of the Revolutionary People's Party, and foreign policy of the Revolutionary People's Republic.
After years of research and active work in the field, our journalists and experts have compiled an analysis of the state of the Utaristani economy. This analysis is based on our own research and not on the numbers and facts provided by the Ministry of Economy to the public, which are considered to be unreliable, though the reliability of internal statistics is unknown.
The overall state of the economy is pretty simple. The economy is in shambles, even 3 years after the revolution. A major portion of the population relies on humanitarian aid from Xsampa and other countries for their livelihood, volume of which has expanded in recent years and months. Most of the workforce works in the fishing industry, in the resource extraction industry, or in the dairy and meat industries. The entire economy is state-owned until 5721. Currently the state engages in the first 10-Year Plan, drafted by the Bureau of Economic Planning. Under the 10-year plan, the economy is focused on reconstruction from the catastrophic floods and from the war. However, due to insufficient infrastructure and inexperienced management caused by the brain drain to Bianjie and Xsampa in the last few decades, this reconstruction is slow.
Utaristan used to boast impressive infrastructure, composed of railways, roads, and ports, whose purpose was to extract ores and export them to the wider world. This infrastructure has, however, deteriorated during the regime of the Administrative Military Committee due to corruption. As such, the Utaristani economy is mostly localised, and many cannot seek jobs in more distant locations due to a lack of transport infrastructure.
Utaristan's main imports are oil, machinery and equipment, and vehicles. Despite the efforts in the 5620s, the country never managed to build a proper domestic manufacturing base. Its main exports are rare earth metals, iron, uranium, and diamonds. Most exports and imports are done through the ports in the cities of Toguz and Guliston, from which they are transported in or out of the various parts of the country connected by railway. In the recent decades, as Utaristan's economy stagnated and even shrank, however, imports, exports and transport infrastructure suffered.
Under the current 10-year plan, reconstruction of transport infrastructure is ongoing. Following the conclusion of the plan, parts of the economy will be 'socialised' and put under the control of worker-owned cooperatives. According to the Bureau of Economic Planning, this will ensure swift reconstruction, followed by the establishment of a socialist market system which is more effective at managing the needs of the economy. The Bureau will, however, still influence the economy through 10-year plans which will take the form of investments into 'socialised' industries and directives to state industries.
To finance the current 10-year plan and to avoid the inflation that happened under the AMC regime due to excessive printing of money, the Revolutionary People's Assembly has passed the Wealth Redistribution Act, which directly used finance available to the oligarchs of the AMC regime for the purpose of the state budget. Other sources of revenue are financial aid from Xsampa and export of resources. Despite the best efforts of the government, the budget is in a bad state, with a large deficit.
As a consequence of these factors, Utaristan faces a major problem, that being dependence on foreign governments. The budget was helped by wealth redistribution, but it is unsustainable, and aid from Xsampa will continue to be a major category in it. This puts Utaristan in a very precarious position, as it is a radical socialist revolutionary republic that is dependent on notably less radical democratic socialist Xsampa and partly even on the constitutional monarchy of Bianjie. There are 2 main challenges ahead of the revolutionary regime, which, if solved, can notably help the Utaristani economy and dependence.
Currently, Utaristan has a notable lack of expertise, which leads to mismanagement. To solve this, the government will have to implement measures to reverse the brain drain, such as financial incentives and offering positions in state apparatus. Most of the brain drain went to Xsampa and Bianjie, meaning the regime could even try to negotiate the return of Utaristani emigres with the two countries. To substitute the current lack of expertise, the regime can also negotiate opportunities for foreign expertise from Xsampa and Bianjie. Finally, the regime will have to grow domestic expertise through funding in education, focusing on the currently needed skills, such as resource extraction engineering or transport management. Unlike many democratic states, Utaristan has one mighty tool at its disposal: propaganda. We are already seeing an increase in posters and social media posts calling on Utaristani citizens and the diaspora to join the revolutionary struggle and rebuild the country.
The other problem is corruption. Utaristan has always been prone to corruption, and the revolutionary regime is no different. However, due to the unique structure of the Utaristani political apparatus, it has few tools at its disposal. Fundamentally, the Revolutionary People's Party of Utaristan is composed of Revolutionary People's Party Cells. These cells are active in almost all of society, be it workplace, school, or other places. Through the party cells the regime can promote a culture of accountability, especially as one of the Six Revolutionary Goals that are part of the constitution is a clean and honest state without corruption. Additionally, the Revolutionary People's Party Committees have unique powers to recall politicians at their level of governance, be it prefecture, province or the entire state. Despite this, it is unlikely that under the revolutionary regime, the corruption will be eliminated, as the fundamentally undemocratic political system makes it hard for ordinary people, and not party organs, to rotate and replace politicians. One final tool at the disposal of the state is simple brutality. Under the current law, a person can face the death penalty for corruption, thus allowing the regime to make a brutal example of both AMC-era oligarchs and new corruption sprouting within the revolutionary regime.
If Utaristan manages to solve, at least partially, these problems, it will greatly help with future development, reconstruction, and construction. Once the transport infrastructure is restored, the Utaristani economy will be more interconnected, allowing for easier movement of goods and people and more capable of exporting domestic resources and importing foreign products. Following the reconstruction, development of at least basic domestic manufacturing is essential for further growth of the economy.
In other news: - Xsampan Assemblyman Dorjee visits Cise in an inter-party meeting
- Minister of Dovani Affairs says 'Dovani Socialist Federation' is still the ultimate goal of Utaristani Dovani policy
- President Ibraev describes Egelion as 'the ultimate enemy of the Revolution'
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External Analysis of Utaristani Factions
Cise, Utaristan | 13. 12. 5717
This analysis is the second part of a series of publications of external analyses of Utaristan that include external analyses of the Utaristani economy, factions of the Revolutionary People's Party, and foreign policy of the Revolutionary People's Republic.
Despite the effort of the governing Revolutionary People's Party of Utaristan to appear otherwise, it is clear that the party is anything but monolithic and is in fact composed of dozens of factions or cliques, even despite the ban on factions within the party. Most of the cliques and factions are personal groups of officials and politicians orbiting a significant personality, but ultimately those personal cliques generally coalesce into several ideological factions. These factions differ in many things, such as approach to foreign policy, approach to economic policy, approach to minorities, and approach to pan-Dovanism.
The process of the formation of these factions ties to the power of the Province Revolutionary People's Party Committees. These Province RPPCs nominate candidates for Province governors, who then appoint Province Revolutionary People's Councils, which then appoint 5 representatives to the Supreme Revolutionary People's Council. Thus, the Province RPPCs directly and indirectly appoint governors, Province RPCs, and representatives to the Supreme RPC. While the Province RPPCs are technically elected by the Prefecture RPPCs, they are capable of exerting significant pressure on prefecture-level committees, thus also indirectly pressuring prefects and prefecture PRCs and influencing appointments to the Revolutionary People's Assembly.
As a result of these factors, Province RPPCs are the main battleground for the various factions; however, the influence of Prefecture RPPCs is not negligible either, as they compromise 330 of the 341 representatives in the Revolutionary People's Party General Congress.
Generally there are considered to be five ideological factions, but only two of them, the Ibraev Group and the Dovani Affairs Committee, have any influence, while the rest of the factions are only marginally influential and instead orbit the two main ones.
The Ibraev Group, the most influential of the factions, is a centre-socialist faction united behind the current president, Abenanka Ibraev. The Ibraev Group was the leading faction even before the formation of the party, in the Armed Popular Revolutionary Front of Utaristan, and they were the principal influence during the writing of the current constitution. Like Ibraev, the faction believes that Utaristan has to carefully balance the idealism of revolutionary socialism and the pragmatism of cooperation with Xsampa and other non-socialist states. The faction generally supports socialist market economics, but with significant input from the state. It's also generally revolutionary and pan-Dovanist. It sees the monarchy in Egelion as the most imminent danger to Utaristan, however less so now that Egelion is drifting away from absolute monarchism.
To the left of the Ibraev Group is the second most influential faction, the Dovani Affairs Committee. It is composed mostly of officials in the Ministry of Dovani Affairs and the Advisory Committee on Dovani Affairs. Compared to the Ibraev Group, it is much more pan-Dovanist, even putting pan-Dovanism over socialism in a few cases. Some of its members are the former members of the Dovani and Communist Party of Utaristan, a former political party active before the 5674 coup. Much like Ibraev, it sees Egelion as grave danger, and it seeks better relations with Bianjie and other Dovani countries that are not aligned with Egelion. It doesn't have a high opinion of Xsampa and New Verham due to their ratification of the Altéa Accords.
The most left-wing faction is the fringe Permanent Revolution Commission. It is composed mostly of military officers, who believe that Utaristan shouldn't engage in any diplomacy and instead should focus on restoring the army and exporting the revolution abroad. Due to its radicalism and idealism, it does not have much influence.
To the right of Ibraev, there is the Xsampan Coalition, another fringe faction. It supports adoption of more policies similar to the ones of Xsampa, especially participatory Metzism, and cooperation with the Altéa Accords. Its controversial support for diplomacy and cooperation with Egelion, a policy opposed by both of the two main factions, is the main reason it remains only marginal.
The final group are the Federalists. Federalists are a syncretic faction, composed mostly of politicians of minority descent, which supports reforming Utaristan into a federation. It is the third most influential faction, supported mainly in the Western Provinces, but still does not wield enough influence to compete with either the Ibraev Group or the Dovani Affairs Committee.
While the Ibraev group holds firm control over her faction, the party, and the entire country, Ibraev is only one woman and will have to reach many compromises if she wishes to continue to lead the country.
Read more articles related to Analysis of Utaristan:
In other news: - Ministry of Foreign Affairs says Utaristan's approach to Egelion remains the same
- Utaristan modifies its State Emblem
- Revolutionary People's Party of Utaristan membership surpasses 2,7 million
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External Analysis of Utaristani Foreign Policy
Cise, Utaristan | 21. 4. 5719
This analysis is the third and final part of a series of publications of external analyses of Utaristan that include external analyses of the Utaristani economy, factions of the Revolutionary People's Party, and foreign policy of the Revolutionary People's Republic.
Utaristan finds itself in precaurius position on the field of international politics. The revolutionary regime has to balance the revolutionary zeal of Utaristani internal politics, and the prgmatic realism required for any sort of international policy. Within the Dovani continent, the isolated North Dranea is ideologically the closest to the Revoltuionary Republic, but the isolationist Dranean dictatorship has not shown much support for the Revoltionary republic, despite rumours of planned conference. As such the closest internationally active nation to Utaristan is the Democratic Republic of Xsampa.
The Xsampa-Utaristani relationship can be simply described as messy. While both states present themselves as democratic and socialist republics, the actual political systems are very different. Xsampa with its ideology of 'Participatory Metzism' is a pseudo-democratic state with socialist market economy. Utaristan meanwhile follows the 'Three Fundamental Ideologies' and the 'Six Revolutionary Goals', as is a one-party state where all the power ultimately sits in the hands of the Revoltionary People's Party of Utaristan and its General Secretary Abenanka Ibraev. Another major difference is the approach to foreign politics. The Utaristani regime views the Altéa Accord as a collection of bourgeoisie regimes and imperialist absolute monarchies whose interests are in direct conflict with Dovani. On the other hand Xsampa has very warm relationship with the monarchies of Kalistan and Egelion, and along with New Verham is a member of the Altéa Accords. Xsampan and New Verhamese ascension to the Altéa Accords is considered to be the primary reason for Utaristan losing it's interest in joining the Dovani Security Organisation. Despite Utaristan's dislike of Xsampa's policies, both domestic and foreign, the regime is still heavily reliant on humanitarian aid and investment from the socialist state. However it is clear that if the Revoltionary republic ever sees a opportunity to ditch Xsampa in favour of more aligned state, it will not hesitate to do so.
Outside of Xsampa, Utaristan's allies in Dovani are Bianjie, New Verham, and Midway, due to cooperation within the Dovani Union. While Bianjie is a constitutional monarchy, something opoosed by the zealots within the Revolutionary People's Party, the two states still enjoy close relations due to their shared distrust of cooperation with outsiders, though Utaristan is more radical in its approach to the Altéa Accords and support for 'Dovani for Dovanians' policy, compared to Bianjie which is willing to engage in economic cooperation with states outside Dovani. It is not impossible, though improbable, that we might see Dovani rift between Xsampa and New Verham on one side, and Utaristan and Bianjie on the other.
While Utaristan has plenty of 'allies' within Dovani thanks to the Dovani Union, outside the Dovani the situation is different. Utaristan has little to no roelations with any country outside Dovani, however it has once clear enemy. Egelion is formerly absolute monarchy, now in process of constitutionalsiing, known for it's active interventionism. It has been referred to as 'grave danger', 'imminent danger', and even as 'the ultimate enemy of the Revolution'. While the shift away from absolute monarchy has dulled some of the edge of the criticism, Egelion is still seen as the number one enemy of the Revolutionary People's Republic.
Recently Utaristani foreign policy has been mostly passive, however it is clear that it is in the interest of the revolutionary regime for that to change. For Utaristan to rise above its current status it has to become equal to its allies, and not just Xsampan puppet. The most obvious way is diversification of foreign relations, for example by establishing relations with North Dranea. There are rumours that utaristan is planning to restore its export of rare earth metals to Xsampa, which would help make the economy relationship between the two socialist states more equal, and could reduce of Utaristants dependence on Xsampan aid.
Read more articles related to Analysis of Utaristan:
In other news: - Ministry of Culture and Ethnoreligious Affairs establishes Office of Linguistic Engineering
- Translation of Utaristani sci-fi bestseller in the works
- Portion of Utaristani population dependent on foreign aid drops below 30% for first time since 5711
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Utaristan returns to normalcy as reconstruction finally bears fruits.
Cise, Utaristan | 13. 2. 5721 (backdated)
Plaque in Cise celebrating contribution of Utaristani returnees from Bianjie
A decade after the adoption of the Constitution of the Revolutionary People's Republic of Utaristan, the activation of the Economic Stabilisation Mechanism, and the start of full-scale reconstruction, Utaristan finally returns to normalcy. The Ministry of Economy has released a document which details the successes of flood and war reconstruction and infrastructure restoration and concludes that the reconstruction has been successful and Utaristan can safely transition to a socialist-market economy.
While some still have doubts regarding the real success of the reconstruction, especially since the regime is infamous for its intransparency and manipulation with publicly released figures, it is clear that large parts of the country have returned to a state the same or better than before the floods. The first 5 years of the reconstruction were plagued with problems such as corruption, inexperience, and mismanagement, but since 5716 the Revolutionary Regime and the Ministry of Economy have taken a harsh stance against corruption and inaccurate reporting. Between 5716 and 5719, progress was nearly double the one made between 5711 and 5715. Though the success of reconstruction of means returns to pre-5710 economic development in most of the country, most of the country is still in a miserable state, as even before the floods, Utaristan was one of the poorest countries of Terra, suffering from rampant corruption and decay.
The 'sudden' success of the reconstruction began in 5716 when Utaristan managed to solve some of the problems that have plagued the reconstruction efforts between 5711 and 5716, namely brain drain and corruption. In order to stop and even reverse the brain drain, Utaristan has begun offering experts of Utaristani heritage double the wage they would be paid in their respective countries if they returned to work in their homeland. Similar incentives were offered to Utaristan-born experts whose wages would be fourfold or even sixfold their usual wage in order to be equivalent with the offers made to diaspora experts. Utaristan has also massively invested in education by establishing the Revolutionary People's Institute of Economic Development in Toguz, which would offer courses for infrastructure and civil engineers, resource extraction and industrial and technical engineers, specialists and technicians, economic planners, enterprise managers and accountants. The first batch of graduates from the RPIED would enter the workforce in 5715, with the influx only strengthening between 5716 and 5720 as careers in economic development became prestigious thanks to financial opportunities and widespread government propaganda. To combat corruption, the Ministry of Economy has established the Bureau of Statistical Integrity, whose agents have been trained by or directly transferred from the Ministry of Information and thus have an intelligence background. BSI would be the fastest-growing government bureau outside the Ministry of Defence and Security and the Ministry of Information, and its many agents would clandestinely ensure that Ministry of Economy officials across the country report correct figures or face consequences. These consequences were often harsh and included bans from government or administrative positions, jail time, and, in some cases, even the death penalty.
The one problem that Utaristan has not managed to solve yet and that may cause major complications in the near future is the budget. As of 5720, the Utaristani budget is deep in the red, as the brain drain measures and the general reconstruction efforts have a very steep price. Between 5711 and 5716, the major boon for the budget was the finances gained from wealth redistribution, but these resources were only temporary and mostly ran out by 5716. In an effort to offset the deficit in 5719, Utaristan has begun to use the newly repaired infrastructure to extract rare earth metals and export them to Xsampa. However, this was only partial help, and Utaristan will have to search for more export markets in order to alleviate the deficit and dependence on foreign aid, which composes a notable part of the budget, though it has been decreasing in recent years. While the state budget is still dependent on foreign aid, civic dependence on foreign aid has begun to rapidly drop, with only 17% of the population dependent on foreign aid compared to 29% in early 5719 and 54% in 5715.
The Director of the Revolutionary People's Assembly, Damir Zholdashev, has announced that after intense debate and deliberation, the RPA has decided it will not pursue an extension of the Economic Stabilisation Mechanism activated in 5711. Under the Economic Stabilisation Mechanism, all economic activity in certain areas is put under the control of the government. This mechanism was activated in 5711 in the entire country as part of administering the reconstruction efforts. After the mechanisms' expiration, Utaristan will begin the transition to a 'socialised' economy led by Revolutionary People's Cooperative Enterprises, though some sectors might remain under the control of the state, and in some sectors RPCEs and state enterprises might compete. Even in the socialised economy, the regime will maintain an important role via directives for state-controlled companies and financial incentives for RPCEs. According to a statement released by the Bureau of Economic Planning of the Ministry of Economy, the 5721-5731 ten-year plan will primarily focus on developing green energy infrastructure in order to decrease dependence on oil, which is one of Utaristan's main imports. The secondary focus will be on increasing resource extraction and transportation capabilities, primarily including rare earth metals and diamonds, as well as iron.
One major obstacle for Utaristan's development of green energy and general infrastructure is a general lack of domestic manufacturing capabilities. After oil, Utristan's main imports are machinery and equipment. Though it is not yet clear how the Ministry of Economy plans to work around this issue, some experts from the Revolutionary People's Institute of Economic Development have suggested the controversial idea of exporting REMs to Kalistan and exporting green energy infrastructure devices. Kalistan is a well-known leader in the field of green energy, especially with its Green Terra Initiative, which could grant support to Utaristan for such a project, but the main hurdle is that Kalistan is an absolute monarchy and thus diametrically opposed to the revolutionary regime.
As the transition to a socialised economy approaches, the Ministry of Economy has begun preparing the economy for the transition. As per the Ministry of Economy, in order to ensure a smooth transition, currently existing government enterprises in most sectors will be transformed into RPCEs under the control of the workers. In order to establish a new RPCE, it will have to be registered and approved by the Bureau of Cooperative Enterprises of the Ministry of Economy. As such, initially all new RPCEs will have a monopoly in their respective sectors until competition is established. In order to encourage the establishment of RPCEs, the Ministry of Economy has established a process for pre-registration of RPCEs. Some sectors will remain under the full control of the regime, namely the defence industry, transport infrastructure, and oil industry. In some sectors the government enterprises, officially referred to as Revolutionary People's Government Enterprises, will compete with cooperatives, such as in telecommunications, the energy industry, and resource extraction.
If Utaristan really wants to rise above its centuries-long status of a poor undeveloped country in a forgotten corner of Dovani, the revolutionary government will have to successfully continue the current optimistic trajectory while avoiding the pitfalls of its predecessor dictatorships, such as corruption, stagnancy and decay, and it will have to solve the present issues of large deficits, underdeveloped manufacturing, and dependence on foreign countries.
journal.news.ut is independent multilingual newspaper reporting on Utaristan. It is currently based in Ambagašan, Bianjie, due to the lack of freedom of the press in Utaristan.
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Utaristan begins adoption of artificial administrative language
Cise, Utaristan | 9. 11. 5722
The Ministry of Culture and Ethnoreligious Affairs of Utaristan has announced that the socialist republic will begin adoption of artificial administrative language. Officially referred to as 'North-Tukaric Administrative Language' or 'Şimol-Tukarij Idoräij Til', its purpose is to streamline public administration and communication. According to the Ministry, it is not intended to replace any language but rather to serve as a useful tool for communication between the state and citizens.
The language was developed by simplifying the grammar of the Yultuz, Minakal, and Ciltay languages, all of which belong to the North Tukaric branch of the Tukaric languages of the Jelbo-Tukaric language family, and by analysing the 'average' pronunciation of roots from these three languages. The grammar was inspired by the extraordinarily simple grammar of Zardic, though North-Tukaric grammar is still more complex than that of Zardic.
Since the new language is understandable to speakers of Yultuz, Minakal, and Ciltay, it will allow the authorities to reduce the number of languages of official communication from five – Minakal, Yultuz, Ciltay, Utari, and Hulstrian – to three – North-Tukaric, Utari, and Hulstrian. The new language will be used primarily for official documents and logos.
Already the Ministry of Civic Rights and Wellbeing, which is the ministry primarily responsible for education, in cooperation with the Office of Language Education, has unveiled the North-Tukaric language curriculum, which will begin implementation in school year 5723/5724. North-Tukaric will be taught as a second language in Utaristani schools, and there will be free education programmes available for all citizens.
From January 5723 all offices will be encouraged to prefer North-Tukaric, and by 5725 most official communication and documents should be provided in North-Tukaric. Along with North-Tukaric, Utari and Hulstrian will be used for official purposes, while Minakal, Yultuz, and Ciltay will be discouraged, though they will retain their status as official languages and, if specifically requested by a citizen, can be used for official documents and communication.
To some critics this is yet another attempt of the revolutionary regime to fundamentally change the fabric of Utaristani society, along with the regime's support for Utari language revival, catalysed by the founding of a purely Utari language school, and for more progressive social policies and attitudes, especially regarding LGBTQ+ identities
In other news: - Director of RPA speaks out against Kalistan
- Revolutionary People's Pride Association petitions RPA for simplification of transition process and establishment of same-sex marriage
journal.news.ut is independent multilingual newspaper reporting on Utaristan. It is currently based in Ambagašan, Utaristan, due to the lack of freedom of the press in Utaristan.
@JournalNewsUt
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